Abstracts of articles in Issue 15.1

It's War! Fighting Post-11 September Global Terrorism through a Doctrine of Preemption by Richard H. Shultz and Andreas Vogt Following the 11 September terrorist attack a number of media revelations asserted that it could have been prevented if only the intelligence community (IC) had acted on information in its possession regarding the impending attack. This article explains why and how the intelligence agencies failed on 11 September, and assesses the need for and viability of preemptive military options for striking first to combat terrorism. First, it describes how the IC doggedly refused to regard terrorism as war through the 1990s. Second, the authors explain that an alternative perspective challenged this orthodoxy in the early 1990s, arguing that war was changing and entering its fourth generation. Third, based on new information about Al-Qaeda, the article addresses how Al-Qaeda organized for war and how it carried it out by delineating Al-Qaeda's organizational structure, ideology, linkages with other terrorist groups and supporting states, use of sanctuary, and financial base, and then detailing its targeting, weapons and war-fighting strategy. This assessment reveals how intimately the Al-Qaeda network bears an unmistakable resemblance to fourth-generation asymmetrical warfare and not to the 1990s profile of the IC. Finally, the authors demonstrate that President Bush has grasped fourth generation warfare by advocating preemptive first strikes against terrorists in his new national security strategy.

The Recovery of Radical Islam in the Wake of the Defeat of the Taliban by David Cook

This article analyses the intellectual and religious processes through which radical Islam has had to confront its defeat in Afghanistan and rebuild during the period since that time, including paradigms of battle, dreams and martyrologies and apocalyptic readings of history and current events.

Shattering Crystals: The Role of 'Dream Time' in Extreme Right-Wing Political Violence by Roger Griffin

This article prepares the conceptual ground for a new heuristic approach to understanding acts of political violence that consciously incur the risk of death to their perpetrators. It focuses on the deep-seated human drive to escape the futility and emptiness induced by clock-time (chronos), and the way a sense of being 'chosen' for a mission of destruction can precipitate the experience of being reborn in a new supra-individual dimension ('dream time'). At this point the etymological connotations of 'self-sacrifice' and 'fanatic' acquire a new significance, since the personal palingenesis experienced by the soldier or terrorist confronting death may rehearse archetypal patterns of mystic purification and immortality. This 'chrono-ethological' perspective on extreme political violence is elaborated by considering the devastating impact that Western modernity has had on the access to states of 'self-transcendence' available in traditional religious culture. It is then applied to examples of inter-war fascist paramilitarism and contemporary 'lone-wolf' terrorism.

Education, Indoctrination, and Incitement: Palestinian Children on Their Way to Martyrdom by Daphne Burdman

This article discusses the methods and effects of a campaign to indoctrinate Palestinian children to an ideology of self-sacrifice (martyrdom) by official organs of the Palestinian Authority. Children are incited to participate in stone-throwing and suicide-bombings against the Israeli Defense Forces, and told that if they die they will become martyrs. The campaign has induced profound effects on the psychology of Palestinian children and will persist even if the violence stops. Specially devised programs will be needed to counteract these deleterious and dangerous effects.

France and the War on Terrorism by Shaun Gregory

France has had a long history of struggle with various forms of terrorism over the past decade and has achieved particular success against Algerian Islamic terrorist groups - the GIA and GSPC - with close links to Al-Qaeda. This article reviews France's experience of terrorism since the end of the Second World War and details the evolving state responses to these challenges and the sophisticated anti-terrorist apparatus that now serves the French state. It then considers the role of France in the post-11 September 'war on terrorism' and argues that France remains in the front-line of the struggle against Al-Qaeda and that the French experience has much to contribute to the international war against Islamic terrorism.

Southeast Asia after 11 September by James Cotton

Southeast Asia has become the 'second front' in the global campaign against terrorism. Former concerns on the part of the United States about the human rights failings of regional regimes have been shelved in order to secure cooperation against supporters of Al-Qaeda, and United States troops have been directly committed to the field in the Philippines. Although there is confirmed evidence of international terrorist activity undertaken by small cells in Southeast Asia, this issue has also served to entrench illiberal regimes and trends. While the US may destroy terrorist groups its strategy may also further undermine democracy in the region, thus contributing to the political and social conditions that are conducive to the emergence of terrorism.

The Terrorists in Their Own Words: Interviews with 35 Incarcerated Middle Eastern Terrorists by Jerrold M. Post, Ehud Sprinzak and Laurita M. Denny

Using semi-structured interviews, 35 incarcerated Middle Eastern terrorists have been interviewed - 21 Islamic terrorists representing Hamas (and its armed wing Izz a-Din al Qassan), Islamic Jihad, and Hizballah, and 14 secular terrorists from Fatah and its military wing, PFLP and DFLP. The purpose of the research was to understand their psychology and decision-making in general, and with special reference to their propensity towards weapons of mass destruction.

Book Reviews

Abstracts of articles in Issue 14.4

Ayman Muhammad Rabi' Al-Zawahiri: The Making of an Arch-Terrorist by Nimrod Raphaeli

Few individuals have had a more central role in articulating and practicing terrorism than Ayman Al-Zawahiri. Though born into the Egyptian aristocracy and trained as a surgeon, this gifted individual has always been attracted to the most extreme forms of Islam. In 1998 he brought his Egyptian Islamic Jihad organization into a union with the forces of Osama bin Laden, known as al-Qaeda (the base), in the effort to create a globalized network of terror whose capacities were demonstrated on 11 September 2001, as well as in the earlier destruction of the American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania and in the damage inflicted on the USS Cole in the Gulf of Aden. Al-Zawahiri is driven by the belief that corrupt secular regimes in the Arab world ought to be replaced by regimes founded on the Islamic Shari'a - Islamic law. For him, the Shari'a is the ultimate law which must govern human and political behavior. Terror is just a means towards that end. Any attempt to legislate laws in violation of the Shari'a must be rejected. The ideal Islamic state must be governed by a supreme leader, a khalif. Democracy is contrary to the Shari'a and is a form of apostasy. This paragon of subterfuge and secrecy was forced to abandon his computer to escape American bombing. The computer was eventually sold in a Kabul market to a reporter from the Wall Street Journal - an emblem, in Zawahiri's eyes, of Western decadence.

A Manual of Islamic Fundamentalist Terrorism by Raphael Israeli

The current wave of so-called 'suicide-bombings' perpetrated by Muslims has been part of Shi'ite Islamic idealization of suffering and death, meant for the Believer to identify with the ordeal of Imam Hussein in the seventh century CE. It was revived by the Shi'ite Hizballah in Lebanon against the Americans and the Israelis, and then expanded by Sunnite Palestinian Islamists, such as Hamas and Islamic Jihad, and even by avowedly 'secular' Palestinian groups such as the Fatah's al-Aqsa Brigades and Tanzim. But the justifications for all those groups are, nevertheless, curiously Islamic. This article presents the text written by a prominent cleric and diffused in the Palestinian media, rationalizing suicide-bombing as the ultimate mode of struggle against Muslim enemies.

The Chemistry of a Conflict: The Chinese Government and the Falun Gong by Patsy Rahn

This article examines elements shaping the conflict between the Chinese government and the Falun Gong movement. It explores the historical relationship between China's rulers and sects, the qigong boom in contemporary China, the Chinese government's style of conflict management, and the development of the Falun Gong teachings since the group was banned. It discusses the extreme language both sides use to define themselves and their opponent as part of a media-campaign to legitimate their respective causes. It also examines the intensification of the millennial message in the Falun Gong teachings and the potential justification for violence even though the teachings continue to condemn the use of violence. Its concludes with reflections on the future of the Falun Gong and the Chinese government.

From Revolutionary Dreams to Organizational Fragmentation: Disputes over Violence within ETA and Sendero Luminoso by Cyrus Ernesto Zirakzadeh

This article examines the evolution of ETA and Shining Path and the leaders' early theoretical justifications for armed action and the views of dissenters. Although both organizations emerged under similar circumstances, members of each differed in how they thought about violent politics. This resulted in different types and amounts of violence. Leaders revised their thinking amid constitutional change, fierce government repression and the entrance of new generations of activists. The two cases corroborate several recent scholarly theses - in particular, hypotheses about the ubiquity of discord and the propensity toward fragmentation within movements that use violence - and suggest new hypotheses about the role of leadership in the evolution of revolutionary movements.

Sources of Fujimori's Popularity: Neo-liberal Reform or Ending Terrorism by Jennifer S. Holmes and Sheila Amin Gutirrez De Pieres

Much has been discussed regarding the support for Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori during the implementation of his 'fujishock' program. In the voting behavior literature, the role of Fujimori's success in ending the terrorism is mentioned, but is a mere footnote to the story. However, we present historical analysis, public opinion data and economic statistics to argue that had he not controlled terrorism, Fujimori would not have been able to implement his stabilization programs and maintain popular support. We first show that the problem of terrorism was paramount and Fujimori's success in ending it was greatly rewarded in terms of personal support. Second, we show that the subsequent gains in the economic situation can be traced to improvements in security, because the political and social risks inherent in terrorism significantly curtail domestic and foreign investment.

The Trial of the Guildford Four: Government Error or Government Persecution by Brenda J. Lutz, Georgia Wralstad Ulmschneider and James M. Lutz

Trials involving suspects in IRA bombing campaigns in England had resulted in convictions achieved on the basis of insufficient evidence. The trials were by their nature political given the offences involved, but they still could have been fair proceedings for those accused of the crimes. Partisan trials, involving political matters, however, are inherently unfair proceedings for which governments have essentially predetermined that a conviction will be obtained. In the case of the pub bombings in Guildford and Woolwich, four suspects were convicted, primarily as a consequence of manipulation of evidence by local police officials. The suspects were eventually freed when government officials admitted that there was not enough evidence to sustain the original convictions. Overall, while the trial process in this case displayed partisan elements, it was not a clear-cut example of a partisan trial. Both error and persecution were present in the actions of different government officials.

The Abu Sayyaf Group: A Growing Menace to Civil Society by Alfredo L. Filler

Inured as the world is to violence, with daily reports of brutality from around the world causing little reaction, the activities of the bandits of the Southern Philippines, with their periodic attacks on villages and frequent kidnap and execution of innocent victims, still have the power to shock. The radical Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) routinely beheads its victims, sometimes after keeping them in inhumane conditions for weeks, months or even years. It is argued in this article that far from being merely a local armed criminal group, the ASG is a fully fledged terrorist organization with international links; a group that poses a growing menace to civil society not only in the Philippines but further afield. As such, the Philippine authorities require a special anti-terrorist plan to deal with its increasing threat.

DATABASE SECTION - Draft Model Convention on the Prohibition and Prevention of Biological Terrorism by Barry Kellman

Book Reviews

Abstracts of articles in Issue 14.3

Troops Defending the Homeland: The Posse Comitatus Act and the Legal Environment for a Military Role in Domestic Counter Terrorism by William C. Banks

The United States has been unique in entrusting law enforcement to civilian forces, at the lowest levels of government in its federal system. Its revolutionary and constitutional heritage likewise led to a sharp separation of civilian and military spheres of government, and to the subordination of the military to civilian authority. Although the domestic deployment of troops has occurred throughout US history, the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878 established a presumption against the use of the military to enforce the laws. While the Posse Comitatus Act remains as a symbol of the nation's distaste for military involvement in civilian law enforcement, concerns about homeland defense and catastrophic terrorism have led many to anticipate an enhanced role for the military in defending the homeland. The article reviews those recent developments and assesses the legal and practical problems that this trend portends.

Marching Down the Garvaghy Road: Republican Tactics and State Response to the Orangemen's Claim to March their Traditional Route Home after the Drumcree Church Service by James Dingley

This study outlines the background and circumstances of the dispute over the Orange Order's claim to the right to parade down the Garvaghy Road after their annual Drumcree church service. This dispute has soured community relations in Northern Ireland and caused deep embarrassment to the British government, Unionists and many other groups for over five years now. However, it is the analysis of this article that such embarrassment and bad community relations was the desired outcome for one of the major participants in the dispute, the Republicans. It is argued that they deliberately set about conducting protests against Orange parades in the most confrontational manner possible. Their aim was to create a substitute for bombs and guns, an ongoing form of violence which they could use for political advantage during the talks known as the peace process. Whilst there is undoubtedly a long-established degree of nationalist resentment against the Orange Order on which Republicans were able to play, the open confrontations on the Garvaghy Road in recent years took much deliberate manipulation to become the violent clashes of today. The dispute is thus an example of terrorist tactics in which conventional terrorist violence is replaced by street violence. It is also an example of a case in which a weak and uncomprehending state made matters worse by trying to bargain with the perpetrators of violence.

Jordan and the Anti-Normalization Campaign, 1994-2001 by Danishai Kornbluth

The peace treaty between Jordan and Israel heightened debate amongst the Arab intelligentsia. Combating 'normal' relations with Israel became the new sphere in which an opposition could operate. 'Normalization' - attempts to create a new reality in all political, economic and cultural spheres - was perceived as an Israeli demand or desire. However, Jordan's leadership shared this desire, aiming to reshape Jordan's public identity. The Anti-Normalization Campaign, led by the Islamists and left-wing Arab nationalists, working largely through professional associations, actively obstructed the regime's objective. Three main axes determined the success of the campaign and the powerlessness of the regime. First the internal sphere, where various developments and crises - sometimes with no direct link to Israel and the peace process - were exploited to justify campaign pursuits. Second the Jordanian-Israeli axis, where bilateral developments strengthened support for the campaign. Third and most important was the Palestinian-Israeli relationship. There any difficulties had an immediate affect on the willingness of Jordan's public to embrace the campaign's agenda.

Hamas: Suicide Bombings, Rockets, or WMD? by Adam Dolnik and Anjali Bhattacharjee

Much debate has recently focused on Hamas' development of short-range missiles and on the organization's alleged interest in chemical weapons. Successful employment of such technology could potentially be very destructive and would have an immense effect on the future of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This article seeks to address the question of likelihood of Hamas' technological progression by examining the issue as a cost-benefit analysis from the perspective of the organization's leadership. The article presents suicide bombings, missiles and chemical weapons as possible tactical options for Hamas, and discusses the possible costs and benefits of the individual options as they pertain to the movement's long-term and short-term objectives. Additional factors likely to influence the organization's decisions in terms of weapons selection are also addressed. An interpretation of current Hamas' actions as well as an attempted forecast of Hamas' military activities is provided in the conclusion.

Counter-terrorism via Counter-proliferation by James J. Wirtz

Do counter-proliferation policies help or hinder efforts at stopping terrorists from using chemical, biological, nuclear or radiological (CBNR) weapons? Counter-proliferation bounds the terrorist threat by reducing the vulnerability of US forces, allied military units and even civilian populations to terrorist attack. It helps to deter state-sponsored terrorism by bolstering the ability of US forces to retaliate with massive conventional force or with nuclear weapons. Counter-proliferation also probably helps to deter state-sponsored CBNR terrorism, although it has little effect on individual terrorists or independent terrorist networks. It reduces the prospects of terrorist incidents by helping to keep 'surplus' materials or weapons from entering black markets. Because counter-proliferation policies harden US or allied forces to terrorist attacks, however, counter-proliferation efforts might channel terrorists toward softer (civilian) targets.

The War on Terrorism and the Decline of Terrorist Group Formation: A Research Note by Ami Pedahzur, William Eubank, and Leonard Weinberg

Over the course of the twentieth century, terrorist organizations possessing different political and religious outlooks have been formed in different regions of the world. This note reports that the peak decades for the formation of terrorist groups were the 1970s and 1980s. Since that period, the pace of terrorist group formation has slowed substantially. Further, during the 1970s and 1980s the political goals of terrorist bands consisted of a heterogeneous mix of nationalist, left-wing revolutionary, right-wing radical and religious agendas. During the 1990s new terrorist groups have been largely reflective of religious concerns, Islamist ones in particular.

Book Reviews

Abstracts of articles in Issue 14.2

Back to the Future? New South African Anti-Terror Law by Martin Schnteich

Since 1996 the South African government has undertaken a process of reforming the country's terrorism laws. It plans to adopt a new and comprehensive Anti-Terrorism Act during 2002. The law is likely to contain some tough provisions. The draft law proposes to define terrorism broadly, permit the detention of terror suspects without charge for up to 14 days, limit terror suspects' right to bail, and provide the police with wide-ranging search and seizure powers. The new law could be ineffective in the state's fight against terror, if a number of operational weaknesses in the South African criminal justice system are not addressed. The most glaring weaknesses are the lack of detection and prosecution skills, resource constraints and insufficient public co-operation with law enforcement agencies.

Theories of Justification and Political Violence: Examples from Four Groups by Garrett O'Boyle

Groups that use violence also employ justifications for that violence, whether tailored for themselves, supporters or external observers. This article seeks to analyse critically selected examples of such justifications through the lens of applied ethics, specifically the justificatory theories termed deontology and consequentialism. These different approaches to justification, and the ways in which they are employed, tell us much about the self-perceptions, ideologies and psychologies of users of political violence. The paper examines whether different sorts of terrorist groups might be said to gravitate towards one particular justificatory mode rather than the other. To this end, the article presents and analyses actual and typical justificatory arguments used by the Provisional IRA, the Red Army Faction, al-Qaeda and anti-abortion militants.

Extremist Groups in Egypt by Jeffrey A. Nedoroscik

On 11 September, terrorism became a much greater reality for Americans and much of the rest of the world. Indeed, that date marks the beginning of a new era for the global community, an era that may be called the Violent New World Order, or the Age of Fear. Since the events of 11 September, the United States has been working to build a coalition against terrorism consisting of countries throughout the world. More recently, the United States launched attacks on positions inside Afghanistan in order to wipe out Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda organization and assisted the Northern Alliance in the overthrow of the Taliban government that had protected al-Qaeda. Given the military prowess of the United States and its allies, these acts have largely achieved their short-term goals. Over the long term, however, the United States, its allies, those countries that have been breeding grounds for terrorist organizations and those whose citizens sympathize with terrorist organizations need to look deeper at the causes of terrorism. On the surface, the religious zeal associated with the most prolific terrorist organizations appears to be something with which the United States and its allies cannot negotiate. The frustrations that drive people to acts of terror, however, are often rooted in adverse socio-economic conditions as well as cultural and political tensions that need to be addressed by underdeveloped nations and the larger international community. Since the deserts of Egypt gave birth to the rise of the first Islamic militant organizations, the Egyptian experience provides a perspective.

Analysing Terrorism and Counter-terrorism: A Communication Model by Ronald D. Crelinsten

This article analyses terrorism and counter-terrorism within a framework of communication. This analytic framework views violence as a form of communication that interacts with other forms of social and political communication, whether by non-state actors or state actors. By looking at how terrorism and counter-terrorism fit into the wider context of social and political life, both at the national and the international level, the analyst can better understand how terrorism emerges from other social or political activity, how it can evolve into legal or nonviolent action, and how it can be but one tool in a political or social struggle that includes both violent and nonviolent tactics. By including counter-terrorism and the array of control institutions used to battle terrorism and related phenomena, the model forces a degree of self-reflectivity and self-awareness upon the analyst, who must examine societal, state and international institutions and forms of social control alongside strategies and tactics of protest and political agitation. In a post-11 September world, this analytic task is all the more challenging.

Violating the Mores, Seizing the Guards: The Riot of the 'Youth of Perestroika' in an Israeli Military Jail by Alek D. Epstein

This article focuses on the most extensive mutiny in the history of the IDF, which broke out in Atlite Military Prison No. 6 on 9 August 1997. The central role of the army in Israeli political culture accounts for the fact that a mutiny of such extent has never taken place in the IDF military units and prisons. Israel's political culture, which emphasizes the importance of the state and is characterized by weak liberalism, is not a good breeding ground for civil disobedience, even in circumstances where one would expect such behaviour. In the case under discussion, the mutiny was led by soldiers belonging to peripheral ethnic groups of the IDF recruit population; specifically, it was organized by new immigrants from the former Soviet Union and a number of Druze soldiers.
Some military police officials and Israeli politicians of Russian origin clamed that there was no connection between the ethnicity of the prisoners and the riot. I would like to argue, however, that it was the prisoners' unique socialization in the USSR in the Perestroika period, when the attitude towards state and the army swayed from scepticism to hostility, that made this riot possible. I argue that what gave rise to the rebellion was not maltreatment by jail officials (as the mutineers themselves argued), but rather a different civic culture as it had developed among Soviet youngsters who were socialized in the atmosphere of 'liberal nihilism' of the early 1990s - a time when the majority of them emigrated to Israel.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 13.4

The Devil You Know: Continuing Problems with Research on Terrorism by Andrew Silke

In a review in 1988, Schmid and Jongman identified a number of key problems in research on terrorism. These included serious concerns with the methodologies being used by researchers to gather data and with the level of analysis that was undertaken once data was available. Following on from this work, this article draws on a review of research published between 1995 and 2000. It was found that the problems identified in 1988 remain as serious as ever. Research is ultimately aimed at arriving at a level of knowledge and understanding where one can explain why certain events have happened and be able to accurately predict the emergence and outcome of similar events in the future. Terrorism research, however, has failed to arrive at that level of knowledge. This article outlines some of the causes of these continuing problems and highlights ways in which the situation can be improved.

Oil Communities and Political Violence: The Case of Ethnic Ijaws in Nigeria's Delta Region by Charles Ukeje

The popular expectation that the oil-rich but underdeveloped Niger Delta of Nigeria would become more stable and less volatile with the inauguration of civilian democratic rule has proved erroneous. This development calls for a fundamental rethinking of existing assumptions about community-based anomie and the political violence embarked upon by nascent community-based movements in the region. This is particularly true regarding the struggle by Ijaw ethnic oil communities against environmental degradation, socio-economic and cultural strangulation, and political marginalization by the Nigerian state and multinational oil companies. Much of the existing literature has focused on the high-profile Ogoni struggles to the neglect of those embarked upon by the Ijaws, reputed to be the fourth largest ethnic group in Nigeria and spread over six states along the country's Atlantic seaboard.

The Psychological and Behavioural Bases of Islamic Fundamentalism by Max Taylor and John Horgan

This article explores psychological and behavioural issues that may help our understanding of some important contemporary developments in Islam. The particular areas of immediate concern are the behavioural bases of the relationship between Islamic fundamentalism and violence. A more general issue, however, relates to how we might understand the nature of religious and ideological control over behaviour. At the outset, general issues related to the concept of fundamentalism will be discussed. This is a very contentious term, and in some circumstances might be thought to refer more to the perspective of the beholder than that of the believer. Subsequently, the concept of fundamentalism within the context of Islam will be considered, emphasizing the nature of fundamentalist ideology, while ways of understanding the processes of fundamentalism within a behavioural framework will be described. The broader implications of this discussion will then be extended with particular reference to religious control over behaviour.

Terrorist Groups and Political Fronts: The IRA, Sinn Fein, the Peace Process and Democracy by Anthony Richards

By characterizing the relationship between political fronts and their terrorist organizations this article sets out to explain the underlying reason for the impasse that has come about in the Northern Ireland peace process over decommissioning. It argues that political fronts are subordinate to their terrorist groups and that dual membership between the two is a common feature. Sinn Fein, at least until the autumn of 2001, has been subordinate to the IRA Army Council and so was unable to deliver IRA disarmament. It is then suggested that this misunderstanding, or willingness to overlook the fact, in 1998 has led to the legitimization of Sinn Fein by three democratic states and this has been fundamental in bringing about the party's electoral advance. Loyalist disenchantment, with both this advance and what it has perceived to be the flood of concessions to republicans because of the implied threat of violence, could ultimately have led to violence on a worse scale than the 30 years of the 'Troubles'. The international strategic environment that the republican movement was confronted with changed this. The departure of President Bill Clinton from office and the election of George W. Bush, the Colombian episode, and the declared 'war on terrorism' following the 11 September attacks, were all significant factors behind the IRA's first act of putting weapons beyond use. The possibility, however, that the move was a tactical one-off merely to stave off American pressure and cement Sinn Fein's position in the new political dispensation (and thereby confirm Sinn Fein's status as a political front subordinate to the IRA) should not be discounted. It could also be argued, however, that, because of the apparent shift in control that took place within the Army Council after the events of August and September 2001 towards the 'Sinn Fein element' that supported putting weapons beyond use, the act represents the beginning of an incremental process that will, events permitting, lead to further such moves and the ultimate disbandment of the IRA. If this is the case then the autumn of 2001 is the time that Sinn Fein ceased to be a political 'front', and was henceforth the senior partner in the Republican movement. Nevertheless, the party would still have a long way to go before becoming a democratic party.

The Challenge of Revolutionary Terrorism to Turkish Democracy 1960-80 by Ihsan Bal and Sedat Laciner

After the dramatic failure of the socialist Turkish Labour Party in the election of 1969 many extremist left-wing ideologists seemed to regard terrorism as a legitimate method of achieving their objectives. Cayan, for instance, made it clear early in the 1970s that he considered that there was no alternative and that political power had to be obtained through the methods of armed violence. Although one of the main factors responsible for political violence was the autocratic state tradition and the rigid understanding about prevention of political terrorism and violence, the major political parties also failed to play a constructive role in protecting democracy in Turkey. The left in the period of 1960-80 claimed that parliamentary democracy in Turkey was a device to perpetuate social injustice and backwardness, allowing the upper classes to enrich themselves by maintaining semi-feudal relations in society while the right-wing groups considered that democracy had destroyed the traditional social order and its values, allowing the left the freedom to subvert and undermine the national integrity and character. In this framework, this article assumes that these bloody years in Turkey have many lessons for preventing revolutionary terrorism in a pluralistic environment.

Terrorism and the Scholarly Communication System by Avishag Gordon

The scholarly communication system with respect to terrorism research is an open one, since the flow of information is mostly from external, namely government, documents and media sources, towards the scientific community. In disciplines that are already established in academia, the scholarly communication system is a closed one: the information flows from the academic publication toward the popular press. If the study of terrorism became a closed information system, it could help the process of the maturation of this field into autonomous academic research discipline.

Review Article: Beyond the Narrative of 1995 - Recent Examinations of the American Far Right by Robert H Churchill

Abstracts of articles in Issue 13.3

Then and Now: What Have We Learned? by David C Rapaport

What is New about the New Terrorism and How Dangerous is It? by David Tucker

The 'new terrorism' is said to be more networked, ad hoc, lethal and dangerous than the old. This assessment of these claims concludes that terrorism currently differs little from its previous manifestations, except for the somewhat increased likelihood that a chemical, biological, nuclear or radiological weapon might be used by terrorists. This does not necessarily mean that terrorism is more dangerous than it was. The critical factor in assessing the threat posed by terrorism is whether it is used strategically.

In the Name of National Security: US Counterterrorist Measures, 1960-2000 by Laura K Donohue

Between 1960 and 2000 the United States responded to the growing threat of terrorism with a wide range of measures. The government implemented provisions that extended from the negotiation of international agreements, military strikes against state sponsors of terrorism, and the creation of decontamination teams, to changes in immigration procedures, advances in surveilance, and an increase in the severity of penalties associated with terrorist attacks. As discussion in the United States progresses on the best course of action for dealing with conventional, chemical, biological, nuclear, or radiological terrorism, it is useful to take stock of where the country stands in the development of its counterterrorism strategy and to consider what factors have shaped the American response. While some substantive areas may be developed further to respond more effectively to terrorism, the significant picture that emerges is how complex and detailed the American counterterrorist complex has already become. The many branches of government entrusted with the life and property of the citizens have felt it necessary to respond to successive terrorist threats by the introduction of a wide range of measures. Left unchecked, the continued expansion of US provisions risks significant inroads into civil liberties, the alienation of minorities and of other states, an increase in the number and effectiveness of terrorist acts, and unchecked expenditures. This article provides a taxonomy of efforts to address the threat and argues that, while some gaps may need to be addressed, a more serious concern is the long-term affect of the steady expansion of US counterterrorist measures.

Covert Biological Weapons Attacks Against Agricultural Targets: Assessing the Impact Against US Agriculture by Gavin Cameron and Jason Pate

Although recent debate in the United States about the threat of weapons of mass destruction terrorism has focused on attacks against humans, the US government is concerned that the agricultural sector, a vital part of the US economy, is also vulnerable. This article assesses the potential economic impact of a biological weapons attack against US agriculture, arguing that US agriculture is too diversified to be catastrophically affected by a single attack, even in an incident involving a highly infectious and resilient pathogen. Where crop cultivation is highly localized, and in regions that are economically dependent on a single crop, the potential exists for an attack devastating to a particular crop or area. Moreover, in certain sectors, particularly beef cattle, there are choke-points that could multiply the affects of an attack. Due to the scale of the industry, such an attack would cause major economic losses and have a national impact. Finally, this article examines previous agricultural attacks and naturally-occuring disease outbreaks. It concludes that while the potential economic costs of such attacks are considerable, the lack of significant terrorist incidents suggests that agriculture is seldom a target for such attacks and that achieving a major outbreak is quite difficult.

Audience and Message: Assessing Terrorist WMD Potential by Daniel S Gressang IV

Whether or not terrorists will use weapons of mass destruction (WMD) is a vexing question which plays on our fears of the unpredictability of terrorism and the revolusion we harbour for chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear weapons. This article outlines an approach to that question through consideration of terrorism as a contest for influence, rather than for power or control. The terrorist is assessed in terms of his being fundamentally orientated around the interactive dynamic between terrorist and perceived audience. The author argues that the likelihood of terrorist WMD use - on a mass scale - may be better indictated by examining the terrorists' own perceptions and expectations of audience, the tone and content of both symbolic and rhetorical messages, and the status of terrorists' interaction with the larger society. The author uses that model to suggest that the terrorists most likely to seriously consider large-scale WMD use are those who champion a message of destruction for, or to, an ethereal audience and who consciously seek to withdraw as completely as possible from society. The National Guard's Weapons of Mass Destruction Civil Support Teams: A Quick Push for a New Program by Kirsten M Krawczyk The exaggerated threat of chemical and biological terrorism has led US policy makers in a fevent charge to develop adequate homeland defense. As a direct result, in 1997, US Congress approved the creation of the National Guard Weapons of Mass Destruction Civil Support Teams (CSTs). While the United States' willingness to tackle the challenge of homeland defense should be commended, the rapid development of the National Guard Civil Support Teams should not be. Concerns with operational utility, financial feasibility, and federal integration are overlooked while the number of Civil Support Teams continues to grow.

The Economic Causes of Algeria's Political Violence by Abdelaziz Testas

Algeria's political violence has been attributed to religious, cultural and political factors. An analysis of the economic situation prior to the crisis indicates that economic factors are also relevant. A more comprehensive approach to the problem must, therefore, incorporate such factors because cultural, religious and political explanations can only provide a partial logical framework for the conflict.

Book Reviews

Abstracts of articles in Issue 13.2

A Tertiary Model for Countering Terrorism in Liberal Democracies: The Case of Israel by Ami Pedahzur and Magnus Ranstorp

Like other studies in the field of counter-terrorism the question underlying this article is to what degree can a democracy lead an effective struggle against terrorism and at the same time uphold its liberal, or even democratic, character? This article seeks to elaborate on the theoretical tools used for answering this question by developing the operational aspects of the 'war model' and 'criminal justice model' in the war against terrorism and then by presenting an 'expanded criminal justice model' to mediate between the two already existing models. This continuum of models is then tested on the Israeli response to Jewish terrorism and possible explanations for the state's decision to move from one model to the other are presented. One of the central conclusions of the study is that the most successful anti-terrorist campaigns led by Israel against Jewish terrorists were the ones in which the state's authorities did not cross any democratic boundaries.

Terrorism and Politics: The Case of Northern Ireland's Loyalist Paramilitaries by Steve Bruce

This article reviews the history of the various political parties associated with the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and the Ulster Defence Association (UDA): the two main loyalist or Protestant terrorist organizations in Northern Ireland. In the 1970s and 1980s, the UDA was more successful than the UVF in establishing a political presence, partly because it had the more distinct political philosophy and partly because its political leaders were able to distance themselves from the organization's terror campaign. However, since the ceasefires of 1994, fortunes have been reversed. The UVF's political party has been more successful; partly because it has managed to create the more distinct political position and partly because the new climate made close association with terrorism something of a political advantage.

When Sums Go Bad: Mathematical Models and Hostage Situations by Andrew Silke

Hostage-taking events remain one of the most common forms of international terrorism. Such events are particularly significant due to their very high media profile and the unique challenges and potentials they present to governments. Yet despite such importance, remarkably little systematic analysis of terrorist hostage-taking has taken place. This paper reviews a body of research which has attempted to model such events using mathematical principles. The guidelines which have emerged from this research are tested against three recent high-profile hostage situations. The overall finding is that the mathematical models are currently too limited to be heavily relied upon in field situations. Nevertheless, it is equally very clear that the potential exists to develop more robust models which could prove highly useful in the real world.

Europe's Last Red Terrorists: The Revolutionary Organization 17 November, 1975-2000 by George Kassimeris

This article examines the nature and effects of political terrorism by focusing on the ideology and activities of Europe's last Marxist-Leninist terrorists - the Greek Revolutionary Organization 17 November, which since 1975 has waged a systematic campaign of violence against US and NATO personnel, Turkish diplomats and members of the Greek political and business elite. Tracing the history of 17N from 1975 to 2000, the article shows that throughout its long campaign the group has maintained an extremely one-dimensional view of a world peopled by heroes and villains. Combining fanatical nationalism, contempt for the existing order and a cult of violence for its own sake, 17N has stubbornly refused to accept that its eclectic belief system is incompatible with modern democratic principles.

Explaining the United States' Decision to Strike Back at Terrorists by Michele L Malvesti

When an anti-US international terrorism incident occurs, the preferred US counter-terrorism response is law enforcement action. Sometimes, however, US decision-makers supplement or supplant this approach with a 'power' approach via overt military action. Among the more than 2,400 anti-US incidents over a 16-year period, the US has applied military force in response to only three: the 1986 Libyan bombing of a West German discotheque; the 1993 Iraqi attempt to assassinate former President Bush in Kuwait; and the 1998 bombing of two US embassies in East Africa by bin Laden operatives. What differentiates these incidents from other anti-US attacks? Although the presidents who ordered the strikes offered justifications common to each, this article uncovers five other factors that may have greater explanatory power.

The Use of Assassination as a Tool of State Policy: South Africa's Counter-Revolutionary Strategy 1979-92 (Part II) by Kevin A O'Brien

This is the second part of an article discussing assassination as a tool of state policy in South Africa. The first part was published in TPV 10/2 (Summer 1998). In this part the author discusses the basis for the systemization of assassination, the development of, first, a counter-insurgency philosophy by the state, followed by the development of 'Total National Strategy' and the means to implement it. The rise of the security forces and the capability that they delivered is considered as an aspect of determining the implemention of the counter-revolutionary strategy. The paper concludes by examining a number of examples of assassinated opponents of the apartheid state.

DATABASE SECTION: Dimensions of Contemporary Conflict and Human Rights Violations by A J Jongman

Book Reviews

Author: R. LEWIS; Fishers of Men; Reviewer: Andrew Silke;
Editor: T. G. FRASER; The Irish Parading Tradition: Following the Drum; Reviewer: Steve Bruce;
Author: I. SHAHAK and N. MEZVINSKY; Jewish Fundamentalism in Israel; Reviewer: Ami Pedahzur;
Editor: D. J. MULLOY; Homegrown Revolutionaries: An American Militia Reader; Reviewer: Jeffrey Kaplan;
Author: D. CHANDLER; Bosnia, Faking Democracy After Dayton; Author: J. GALTUNG and C. G. JACOBSEN; Searching for Peace, the Road to Transcend; Author: N. BOTH; From Indifference to Entrapment, the Netherlands and the Yugoslav Crisis, 1990-95; Reviewer: Lord Owen;
Author: CHRISTOPHER C. HARMON; Terrorism Today; Reviewer: Laura K. Donohue;
Author: M. JUERGENSMEYER; Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence; Reviewer: Angus Muir;
Author: C. PECK; Sustainable Peace: The Role of the UN and Regional Organizations in Preventing Conflict; Reviewer: Alan James

Abstracts of articles in Issue 13.1

Doomsday in Jerusalem? Christian Messianic Groups and the Rebuilding of the Temple by Yaakov Ariel

The rebuilding of the Temple has played an important part in Christian pre-millenialist Messianic expectations. Such an event would for them signify the imminent arrival of the messianic age. Following the Six-Day War in 1967 and the Israeli conquest of the historical parts of Jerusalem, many pre-millenialist Christians have expected the Jews to build the Temple and reinstate the sacrifices prescribed in the Bible. The rise in the 1970s of Jewish groups that have advocated, and at times made preparations for, the rebuilding of the Temple has encouraged Christian pre-millenialists. Evangelical leaders and organizations, which represent millions of conservative Christians, have lent their support to the state of Israel as the nation that prepares the ground for the arrival of the Messiah. Some Christian pre-millenialists have taken steps to help hasten the rebuilding of the Temple and consequently the coming of the Messiah. They have helped finance Jewish groups that have called for the rebuilding of the Temple. They have also searched for the Lost Ark, helped breed red heifers whose ashes are needed in order to enable Jews to enter the Temple Mount, and researched the exact location of the Temple. In rare isolated cases, extremists have tried to burn or blow up the mosques on the Temple Mount in order to secure the ground for the building of the temple. Towards the year 2000, Israeli and American officials became particularly concerned that Christian believers in the imminent arrival of Jesus would try to hasten the messianic clock by helping Jewish extremists blow up the Temple Mount mosques. The prospect of a successful Jewish-Christian collaboration in such a scheme could let all hell loose and bring about a Middle Eastern apocalypse.

The United States, International Policing and the War against Anarchist Terrorism, 1900-1914 by Richard Bach Jensen

In 1901 the anarchist assassination of President McKinley aroused tremendous anger throughout the United States and was the catalyst for diplomatic efforts to coordinate transatlantic measures against the anarchists. Why, then, did America refuse to sign the St. Petersburg Protocol on international anti-anarchist police cooperation agreed to in 1904 by much of continental Europe? This article seeks to answer that question as well as to chart the little-known role in the war against anarchism of the Secret Service and, beginning in 1910, of the nascent Bureau of Investigation.

Terrorism with Weapons of Mass Destruction: The Congressional Response by Chris Quillen

The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and the rise in increasingly violent terrorism have coincided this decade to spur many governments to action. This article explores how the U.S. Congress has reacted to this new threat to national security in its attempts to combat both proliferation and terrorism. It recounts the evolution of the congressional response from borderline apathy to intense concern and concludes by demonstrating Congress's desire to focus more on the threat of domestic terrorism as opposed to that of international proliferation.

Separating the Sheep from the Goats among Africa's Separatist Movements by Bruce Baker

Currently at least 12 separatist/secessionist movements are engaged in negotiations or campaigns of violence (guerrilla and regular armed conflict) in Africa. But though they are agreed on the need for radical constitutional change, they are not agreed on the solutions. More than that, they rarely maintain a unity of aim within their ranks at any given moment of time, or a consistency of aim over time. It is these shifting political objectives and the nature of the calculations behind them that this article intends to examine. At every stage of the conflict the movements' leaders have to assess the advantages of a secessionist policy as opposed to a separatist (or re-negotiated unitary state) policy. This article finds that among the most crucial factors to be weighed are popular support, state response, international recognition, and personal opportunities. There are important consequences of this shifting of political objectives. It makes typologies based on their political objectives and/or methods of limited value; political support problematic; attempts by governments to induce separatist leaders to defect or compromise worthwhile; and certain elements in the population of the homeland more vulnerable. This is the biggest hindrance to successful separatist movements.

Threats to Primal Identities: A Comparison of Nationalism and Religion as Impacts on Ethnic Protest and Rebellion by Jonathan Fox and Josephine Squires

The post World War II world has witnessed a proliferation of conflicts based on ethnic differences. Religion and national identity are two dominant features of many of these ethnic struggles. The purpose of this study is to determine which of the two has a greater impact on protest and rebellion using large-n methodology, employing variables from the Minorities at Risk Phase 3 dataset as well as data collected independently. It was found that the simple answer is that nationalism has a greater impact on conflict than does religion. However, this simple answer is not an accurate answer. This is because the simple answer that nationalism has a greater influence is to a great extent due to the fact that the majority of ethnic conflicts are between groups that are not religiously different. If one looks only at those ethnic conflicts where religion can potentially be a factor, religious and national issues are involved in ethnic conflicts approximately as often. Also, while religious issues alone seem to have less of an influence on ethnic conflict than national issues, religious issues have a strong influence on the relationship between nationalism and ethnic conflict, to the extent that the relationship between nationalism and ethnic conflict can not be fully understood without accounting for the influence of religion.

Minority Religions and the Context of Violence: A Conflict/Interactionist Perspective by James T Richardson

Violence (broadly defined to include collective as well as individual violence) associated with the recent rise of newer religious groups or 'cults', as well as longer-term minority religions, is examined, using a conflict orientation. The interactional nature of such violence is discussed, with accusations of violence concerning minority and newer religions placed in a conflict perspective that stresses the interdependency of religious groups and their opponents. Special attention is given to allegations of: (1) violence derived from group teachings and practices, with a focus on major recent tragic events involving religious groups; and (2) violence directed against members and groups by others, including private individuals and organization, as well as governmental entities.

Political Violence and Regime Change in Argentina: 1965-1976 by Jennifer S Holmes

Argentina, from 1965 to 1976, experienced three major changes of power, two of which were regime changes. What caused all the instability in such a short period of time? The tranquility of the early sixties was shattered by political violence. In 1965, there were fewer than ten incidents per month. By June 1976, before the last military coup, there were over 300 incidents per month. With historical and quantitative data, this analysis will show how political violence can undermine regime stability. Original data were generated to study the consequences of political violence during this period, based on Argentine news sources.

Terrorism and Democracy: Perpetrators and Victims by William Eubank and Leonard Weinberg

Most observers believe that the 'democratic rules of the game' provide a peaceful means for resolving political conflicts. This may be true but not all groups or even single individuals in democratic societies need play by these rules. This analysis uses two data sets: one that classifies most countries of the world based on how they were ruled in the mid-1980s, and the other on the frequency with which their nationals either perpetrated or were victimized by terrorists attacks, to investigate the relationship between terrorism and democracy. The findings suggest that stable democracy and terrorism go together. An analysis of the data reveal that terrorist attacks occur most often in the world's most stable democracies, and that, further, both the perpetrators and victims of those attacks are citizens of the same democracies.

Book Reviews:

The Irish War: The Hidden Conflict between the IRA and British Intelligence by Tony Geraghty

Death Squads on Global Perspective. Murder with Desirability edited by Bruce B Campbell and Arthur D Brenner Terrorismo y antiterrorismo by Fernando Reinares

Abstracts of articles in Issue 12.3&4

Special Issue: The Democratic Experience and Political Violence

Edited by: David Rapoport and Leonard Weinberg

Introduction by David C Rapoport and Leonard Weinberg

Elections and Violence by David C Rapoport and Leonard Weinberg

No subject attracts political scientists more than elections. Still, the intimate link with violence has scarcely been noticed. A sparse recent literature exists on how ballots may eliminate bullets in civil war settlements: questions concerning why ballots create occasions for bullets and the relationship between violence-producing and violence-reducing propensities of elections are ignored. This article aims to help fill the gap. It treats election as a mode of succession, noting that the succession moment is normally the most dangerous recurring one in all political systems. We compare election with heredity, its chief historical rival, to see how the different character of each shapes violence patterns. Hereditary systems require, but rarely achieve, clarity in establishing claim priorities. Election requirements are 'fairness' (competitors 'bend' rules) and 'conciliation' (divisions are created which must be reconciled). The final section offers a brief taxonomy of typical justifications for initiating and/or resisting election violence.

Electoral Regimes and the Proscription of Anti-democratic Parties by John E Finn

Elections are central to the theory and practice of constitutional democracy. A decision to exclude particular groups from the political process represents a fundamental choice about the nature and character of legitimate political conflict. Whether in the form of a constitutional ban, as in the case of Article 21 of the Federal Republic of Germany's Basic Law, or in statutory form, as in the US Internal Security Act of 1950, the exclusion of anti-democratic parties constrains the universe of what a people may will and determines who is entitled to participate in the political sphere. Assessing how such proscriptions affect the level and likelihood of political violence requires strict, systematic scrutiny. It leads us to ask a series of questions about which factors motivate exclusion, on what rational grounds such restrictions may be justified, and if and under what conditions the democratic experiment is advanced by such bans. Moreover, the exclusion of anti-democratic parties in transitional states, where democracy is still in its nascent and therefore tenuous stage, may provide for interesting case studies in addressing the issue of how limits on self-governance affect the strategies of political parties as well as regime legitimacy.

Violence and Electoral Polarization in Divided Societies: Three Cases in Comparative Perspective by Adrian Guelke

Three elections, all of which took place at the end of May 1996, are examined in order to analyze the impact of violence on political attitudes in deeply divided societies. They are the Israeli general election of 29 May 1996; the Northern Ireland forum elections of 30 May 1996; and local elections in the Western Cape province in South Africa on 29 May 1996. It is argued that what the outcome of the elections in Israel and Northern Ireland demonstrates is the capacity of the continuing threat of violence (and not just actual episodes of violence) to polarize opinion even in the context of ongoing peace processes. Further, it is argued that fear of change may influence the electoral behaviour of members of the dominant (or previously dominant) community as profoundly as the prospect or even the reality of an end to the conflict, as the case of the local elections in the Western Cape underlines.

Should Self-determination be Legalized? by Daniel Philpott

Democracy, Commitment Problems and Managing Ethnic Violence: The Case of India and Sri Lanka by Martha Crenshaw

Based on a case study of the Indian intervention in Sri Lanka's ethnic war from 1987 to 1990, this article explores the conditions under which democracies can act as effective third parties to resolve civil violence. India's experience as guarantor of a peace settlement in Sri Lanka suggests that not only the intractability of civil conflicts but the power of domestic pressures shape intervention policies and outcomes. Decision-makers depend on the support of important domestic political elite - political parties, interest groups, press, and governmental bureaucracies - as well as the approval of the public who can reject them in periodic elections. In order to enforce peace settlements, third-party guarantors must have a firm sense of the belligerents' intentions and resources, sensitivity to the dynamics of the conflict, and freedom of action. At the same time, democratic leaders must consider the role of timing, the influence of internal bargaining, the importance of credible 'staying power', and personal reputation.

Western Democracies and Islamic Fundamentalist Violence by Raphael Israeli

Purity is Danger: An Argument for Divisible Identities by Anna Simons

This article explores two very different, yet related, sets of reasons to help explain the absence of widespread identity-based communal violence in the US. First, Americans can afford to treat identity situationally, and only recently have they begun to bump up against the outer limits of who it can be agreed the state should protect. Secondly, the government has proved increasingly vigilant in its response to separatist groups that pledge their primary allegiance to themselves rather than the state, and who by doing so invite the use of force.

Violence in the Name of Democracy: Justifications for Separatism on the Radical Right by Michael Barkun

Over the last 30 years, figures in the American radical right have sought to justify the use of violence against the national government. This can be seen in three key texts: the charter of the United States Christian Posse Association (1972), the Nehemiah Township Charter and Common Law Contract (1982), and Louis Beam's essay, 'Revolutionary Majorities' (1984). All three are characterized by antipathy toward the state, a desire to demonstrate the legitimacy of violence, a sense of membership in an elite, and a fusion of religious and legal fundamentalism.

Extremism and Violence in Israeli Democracy by Ehud Sprinzak

This article was written under the impact of the two most violent acts in Israeli recent memory, the February 1994 massacre of 29 praying Palestinians by Dr Baruch Goldstein in Hebron's Cave of the Patriarchs, and the November 1995 assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. The article explores the role of extremism and violence in Israeli politics since the 1948 foundation of the Jewish state, and tries to resolve the seeming contradiction between Israeli's success to establish the only viable democracy in the Middle East, and the unexpected rise of Jewish violence. Like other writers in this volume, I conclude that democracy does sometimes produce violence, and oddly that violence may on some occasion strengthen the foundations of civic politics and democracy.

Violence and Democracy in Eastern Europe by Andrzej Korbonski

This discussion between violence and democracy in Eastern Europe excludes the regions of the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. In the interwar period, ethnic animosities were aggravated by the demands of treaties imposing the protection of minority rights. After World War II, however, tensions were eased by the reduction of the minority element in states throughout Eastern Europe. In addition, the horrors of World War II and the violence of the Communist seizure of power caused a massive and radical transformation of popular attitude toward both violence and democacy (at least in some East European countries), thus assuring that the majority of post-Communist transitions were conducted in a relatively peaceful manner.

Violence and the Paradox of Democratic Renewal: A Preliminary Assessment by Victor T Le Vine

Jefferson's famous dictum that the 'tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants' is examined using a counterfactual argument and empirical and normative analysis. If Jefferson is right and there is an inescapable connection between democracy and violence, his dictum must contain a paradox since democracy in the first instance also predicates the creation and maintenance of institutional mechanisms for non-violent resolution and management of conflict. What if Jefferson was wrong and the 'blood of patriots and tyrants' can destroy rather than fertilize the tree of liberty? Positing the counterfactual suggests (and permits analysis of) three derivative subhypotheses: (1) that democracies born in violence are more prone to periodic 'violent challenges' than those born peacefully; (2) that periodic violent challenges in democracies leave them less, rather than more, stable; and (3) that when democracies break down they usually do so when a culture of violence is created. Overall, the analysis tends to confirm the counterfactual hypothesis.

The Italian Regions and the Prospects for Democracy by William Eubank and Leonard Weinberg

Using Putman's Making Democracy Work as the basis for their analysis, we investigate the performances of Italy's regional governments and conclude that successful democratic institutions depend upon the existence of a lively 'civic community' where citizens participate actively in public life in a variety of ways. 'Civic communities' do not appear overnight; they are the product of a long process of historical evolution. The implication of Making Democracy Work is that democracy is likely to fail in countries lacking such communities, where violence and authoritarian rule prevailed until recently. The findings reported in this article challenge this pessimistic view. They do so by calling attention to the fact that the areas of Italy with the most successful regional government and lively civic communities were also the areas where Fascism and Fascist violence were most prevalent in the years following World War I. In the Italian case at least, popular support for extreme anti-democratic forces and political violence did not pose an insuperable barrier to the formation of civic communities in later decades.

Originary Democracy and the Critique of Pure Fairness by Eric Gans

Thucydides' account of Pericles' funeral oration demonstrates that the first democracy was sensitive to what generative anthropology considers the central function of political systems: holding in check the resentment inevitably generated by inequality among beings whose possession of language instills in them a 'moral model' of 'symmetrical reciprocity'. Pericles' words demonstrate an awareness that the increased fairness of democratic choice only exacerbates the resentment of those not chosen. Democracy emerged in Athens as a liberation from the traditional system of sacrificial tribute. It could not survive in antiquity because the liberation from the economic activity associated with payment of tribute depended, in Rome as in Athens, on the continual enslavement of others. Modern democracy emerged in tandem with the modern market, and, in contrast to the politics-centred world of the polis, is auxiliary to civil society. In liberal democracy the political sphere functions to provide a secure basis for economic life and to permit the negotiation of the resentments that emerge within it.This system is maximally stable and fair but its stability cannot become absolute because its fairness can never eliminate resentment. Whereas the opposition of ethnic and other ascriptive minorities can in principle be reduced by an increase in fairness, this is not true of the opposition of 'losers' who blame their failure on betrayal by the system. Such persons are tempted by the self-justifying extremist refusal to negotiate their resentments within the political system; they consequently represent a permanent danger to liberal democracy.

The Political Context of Terrorism in America: Ignoring Extremists or Pandering to Them? by Christopher Hewitt

This article examines the political context of four waves of terrorism in the United States: by White racists in the South during the civil rights period, by Black militants in the late 1960s and early 1970s, by left-wing revolutionaries in the 1970s, and by contemporary anti-abortion extremists. Two alternative theories are considered: that citizens resort to violence because their views and interests are ignored by politicians; and that politicians by 'pandering to extremists' incite them to violence. The evidence appears to support the first theory. In the cases examined, a sizable number of people felt very strongly about some social/political issues - segregation, racial equality, the Vietnam war, abortion - and also felt that the political system ignored, or was hostile to, their concerns. Terrorism was most likely to occur under presidential administrations hostile to the goals of the terrorists, rather than under sympathetic administrations.

Democracy and the Black Urban Riots: Rethinking the Meaning of Political Violence in Democracy by Abraham H Miller and Emily Schaen

The findings of two presidential commissions have dominated the understanding of the Black urban riots of the 1960s and correspondingly the general understanding of the causes of political violence. The Kerner and Eisenhower commissions each explained the causes of the riots in terms of the social science orthodoxy of the time. The riots were seen as violent responses by a community that had experienced persistent and continual frustration as a result of economic deprivation wrought by White racism. The deprivation-frustration-aggression model of violence was superimposed as a causal explanation of the riots and social science, and the popular media extolled this as the definitive understanding of the riots. Yet over the past 30 years this model has not explained empirical findings and has fallen from grace, especially among political scientists. Our research shows that even within the context of the commission reports there was evidence of other, but less politically palatable, explanations. In addition, there was the overarching issue of the occurrence of violence in democracies. Riots, like terrorism, more commonly occur within democracies than in non-democratic governmental systems. We suggest that viewed in this context, the Black urban riots are not a deviant occurrence but part of a common syndrome of violence in democracies. These riots, like others that preceded them, need to be viewed within the historical framework of the role of political violence in democracies and most specifically how democracies respond to political violence.

Conclusions by David C Rapoport and Leonard Weinberg

Abstracts of articles in Issue 12.2

Briefing on the Terrorism Act 2000 by Clive Walker

The Terrorism Act 2000 represents the latest effort by the UK government to tackle the legal problems posed by political violence. The legislation builds upon statutory codes which have been developed over the last three decades in Britain and Ireland. The failure in part to be more innovative is explained and criticized. But the instances where the legislation does make a break from the past are also subject to analysis. Key questions are asked about the need for special legislation and the shape it should take.

Naxalism in India by Ajay K Mehra

How to start guerilla warfare? To this question the revolutionary peasants in India has given the answer that guerilla warfare can be started only by liquidating the feudal classes in the countryside … the annihilation of the class enemies is the primary stage of the guerrilla struggle. The annihilation of the class enemy does not only mean liquidating individuals, but also means liquidating the political, economic and social authority of the class enemy. - Charu Mazumdar

Urban Terror in South Africa: A New Wave? by Mike Hough

This article discusses and analyses the wave of bombing incidents occurring in South Africa between 1996 and the beginning of 2000, and inter alia linked to vigilante action, gang warfare and drug smuggling. An overview of measures adopted to combat what has been termed 'urban terrorism' is also provided. In conclusion, the point is made that it is unclear to what extent the incidents are criminally or politically motivated, or whether a combination of motives are present.

Beating the Water: The Terrorist Search for Power, Control and Authority by Andrew Silke

Starting from Mao's well-known metaphor of 'water and fish', this article examines the nature of power as it applies to terrorist groups. Terrorists are under constant pressure actively to increase their influence and control over their constituent communities. Our understandings of how terrorist groups can do this has generally suffered from being too limited and overly simplistic. Focusing on Northern Ireland, this article explores how terrorist groups can first identify and then access various sources of power which can be used to strengthen the group's position and authority. The article argues that there are identifiable strategies which can be exploited by current and future terrorists in virtually any setting. It is in the interest of those combating terrorism to study these principles closely if they wish to limit the power and durability of terrorist opponents.

From Car Bombs to Logic Bombs: The Growing Threat from Information Terrorism by Jerrold M Post, Keven G Ruby and Eric D Shaw

The vulnerability of the critical infrastructure has led to increasing concern that it will be the target of terrorist attacks. This article explores definitional aspects of Information Terrorism and identifies two groups likely to find information terrorism attractive: conventional terrorist groups and information culture groups. As computer sophisticated youth move into the ranks of conventional terrorist groups, the groups will increase their reliance on computer technology, and information terrorism will be incorporated into a hybrid tactical repertoire. Information culture groups, however, confine their attacks to cyberspace. In contrast to the powerful group dynamics of the traditional underground terrorist group, networked groups, particularly information culture terrorists, may only be in contact electronically, and are subject to a radically different group psychology, virtual group dynamics, that significantly affects their decision making and risk taking, and has dangerous security implications.

Review Article

Book Reviews

Abstracts of articles in Issue 12.1

Patterns of American Terrorism 1955-1998: An Historical Perspective on Terrorism-Related Fatalities by Christopher Hewitt

Although the Oklahoma City Bombing of 1995 which killed 195 people was the most devastating terrorist attack on American soil, terrorism-related deaths have occurred almost every year since 1955. A distinctive feature of American terrorism is the ideological diversity of perpetrators. White racists are responsible for over a third of the deaths, and black militants have claimed almost as many. Almost all of the remaining deaths are attributable to Puerto Rican nationalists, Islamic extremists, revolutionary leftists and emigre groups. Most victims were killed because of their race, religion or sexual orientation, or just simply because they were in the wrong place at the wrong time when a bomb went off.

Affecting Trust: Terrorism, Internet and Offensive Information Warfare by Lorenzo Valeri and Michael Knights

The national security consequences of the potential use of the Internet by terrorist organizations have attracted the interest of many academics and government and intelligence officials. The goal of this article is to provide a new explanatory angle concerning the possible targets of terrorists' offensive information warfare (OIW) operations. It argues that these organizations may prove more valuable and effective to undermine on-line activities of leading electronic commerce sites than to target elements of the critical national information infrastructure. These offensive actions, in fact, would directly impact one of the explanatory elements for the Internet's success: users' perception of its trustworthiness. Before tackling its arguments, the article provides a definition of offensive information warfare. Then, it investigates how terrorist organizations would formulate their operational style concerning offensive information warfare. The stage is then set to define the central argument of the article by drawing from studies carried out in the areas of information security, international management and electronic commerce. The article concludes with a set of policy recommendations to counter these potential threats and thus make the Internet a safer communication instrument for economic, commercial and social development.

Weapons of Mass Disruption and Terrorism by Robert J Bunker

New perceptions of weaponry have developed in some counter-terrorism circles, based on the concept of Weapons of Mass Disruption which target bonds and relationships, rather than things, at the systemic level. These capabilities are derived, in many instances, from advanced (cyber) forms of weapons which could eventually be employed by terrorists against the United States.

Moral Panics and Anti-Cult Terrorism in Western Europe by Massimo Introvigne

Religious minorities in Western Europe today are often perceived as threatening. After Solar Temple suicides and homicides, parliamentary and other official commissions investigated the dangers of 'cults' or 'sects'. The article reviews reports published between 1996-1999 and argues that they may be classified into two categories. 'Type I' reports (more prevalent throughout French-speaking Europe) rely on anti-cult models and stereotypes, and may perpetuate moral panics by seeing all unfamiliar religious minorities as uniformly dangerous. 'Type II' reports, while still maintaining elements of the anti-cult models, appear to be more balanced and concentrate more attention on academic findings. 'Type I' reports, and anti-cult models in general, generated 'anti-cult terrorism' (an expression first used in one of the Swiss 'Type II' reports) in the form of both verbal and actual violence, with extremist groups acting as self-appointed anti-cult vigilantes. While there are actually and potentially dangerous religious minorities, anti-cult rhetoric in official documents may incite and provoke violence both against the assaulted movements and by the movements threatened. Law enforcement, the article concludes, should focus on the minority of violent religious and millenialist movements and the small extreme anti-cult fringes.

Insurgency Theory and the Conflict in Algeria: A Theoretical Analysis of the Civil War in Algeria by William H Miller

In the early nineties it was widely feared that Algeria was on the verge of an Islamic revolution. These fears proved to be unfounded. This article seeks to explain the failure of the insurgency to topple the current government through the use of three models of successful insurgency movements: urban insurrection, peasant-based guerrilla warfare and focoism. Analysis shows that the first two of these models cannot be applied to the situation in Algeria because of the nature of the Algerian topography, the lack of foreign sanctuaries for the insurgents and the authoritarian nature of the Algerian regime. The single success of the third model is a historical anomaly, unlikely to lead to the overthrow of the current Algerian government, but leading to a fourth and final model; urban terror. It is the clandestine nature of this fourth model which provides for the longevity of the current insurgency, yet because of its inability to meaningfully challenge the state, gain recruits, and maintain centralized control over the movement, the insurgency degenerates, perpetrating the seemingly senseless acts of violence currently occurring in Algeria today, the natural aftermath of a failed insurgency.

Education, Identity, State Building and the Peace Process: Educating Palestinian Children in the Post-Oslo Era by Raphael Israeli

An integral part of the peace process between Israel and the Palestine Authority (PA) is the mutual obligation to eliminate mechanisms of incitement and hatred from the public sphere. State owned media and school texts must be as politically neutral as possible. Israel has virtually its obligation with respect to textbooks, but the PA has scarcely made an effort. The article examines Palestinian textbooks noting its numerous deep anti-Jewish, anti-Israel and anti-Western sentiments, which are combined with grossly inaccurate descriptions of historical 'facts'. Specifically, Israel is de-legitimized, and Jihad exhortations are common. Unaltered, these texts will have a pernicious impact on Israeli-Palestinian relationships

Issues in the Study of Political Violence: Understanding the Motives of Participants in Small Group Political Violence by Robert W White

Research on the motives of those who engage in small group political violence typically takes a qualitative or quantitative form. I argue that researchers should seek to understand why people engage in small group political violence, and that the best way to achieve such understanding is to employ both. The advantages of this approach are discussed in this paper, as is the importance of recognizing that the activities of all actors in any given violent location, including state actors, should be accounted for in research.

Book Reviews

Abstracts of articles in Issue 11.4

Special Issue

The Future of Terrorism

Edited by: Max Taylor and John Horgan, University College, Cork, Ireland

Low Intensity and High Impact Conflict by David Veness

This paper is the first of four contributions by law enforcement practitioners addressing their concerns about likely directions for future developments in terrorism. David Veness is a senior officer in the Metropolitan Police Service, London, with responsibility for policing terrorism. The paper begins by outlining the changing context to terrorism, and then develops the practical and policy concerns from a law enforcement perspective which emerge from that new context. The themes developed in this paper offer a particularly valuable perspective from someone with a direct responsibility for the management of terrorist incidents.

The Role of Europol in Anti-Terrorism Policing by Emanuel Marotta

Emanuel Marotta is one of Europol's Deputy Directors and his comments emphasise the significance of the emerging European police capacity in this area.

'The Future is Bright...' - But Whom For? by Graham Head

Graham Head is a Detective Chief Inspector with the National Criminal Intelligence Service (NCIS) in London and is Europol Liaison Officer for NCIS. He presents the third of the law enforcement and policy positions on current concerns relating to potential future developments in terrorism. Detective Chief Inspector Head proposes that the speed of technological change in the telecommunications and information technology industries, coupled with legal developments, present a continual problem for law enforcement and intelligence agencies in the fight against terrorism and organised crime. The views presented in this short paper are clearly representative of perspectives from the United Kingdom, but such views are ones which can be already be seen in total or in part in a number of other countries.

Terrorism and Organised Crime: The Romanian Perspective by Mircea Gheordunescu

Professor Gheordunescu is Deputy Director of the Romanian Intelligence Service (SRI) in Bucharest. As well as representing the fourth and final practitioner approach, this paper presents the view of the problem of terrorism from a Romanian perspective. In historical and cultural terms, Romania is a Western-orientated country located in a strategic position in Eastern Europe. Despite its economic difficulties, Romania is rapidly modernising. It is an aspiration of Romania to become a member of NATO and the European Union.

New World Disorder, New Terrorisms: New Threats for Europe and the Western World by Xavier Raufer

This paper takes a wide-ranging view of the threats resulting from the changed geo-political climate. At times controversial, and sometimes telegraphic in expression, it nevertheless presents a formidable overview of the current situation. Its author is well placed to provide such an extensive perspective, bound not only on academic analysis, but also on extensive contact with dissident groups and their membership.

Terrorism as a Strategy of Struggle: Past and Future by Ariel Merari

Forecasting the future of terrorism seems to be a matter of fashion. The current vogue is extreme pessimism. Expressions of alarm are abundant in the media, in academic literature, and in anti-terrorism policies. The latter includes appropriating huge budgets, expanding existing organizations for combating terrorism and establishing entirely new ones. Worries currently focus on two issues: unconventional terrorism (nuclear, biological and chemical - or NBC terrorism), and terrorism by religious fanatics. This trend is a marked contrast to the mood that prevailed in the beginning of the decade. Following the demise of the Soviet Bloc, and especially in the wake of the Gulf War, there were widespread expectations that a new world order had been established. In the new peaceful world there was no place for terrorism. These wishful expectations have been evidently false. As we all know now, terrorism has not vanished. It seems that expectations may be a matter of vogue and the rapid shift from optimism to pessimism is not necessarily a true reflection of reality. This paper suggests that essentially terrorism has not changed for many years, and that it is unlikely to change in the foreseeable future. Moreover, the author submits that due to its inherent characteristics as a mode of struggle, terrorism cannot change substantially, for the better or for the worse.

Politics, Diplomacy and Peace Processes: Pathways out of Terrorism? by Paul Wilkinson

The author discusses some recent UN and bilateral peace initiatives and attempts to draw some lessons from this experience in order to identify the key political requisites for a successful outcome and to assess whether they offer possible pathways out of terrorism in the future. The article concludes that political advances must go hand in hand with adequate security safeguards to meet the fears and concerns of both parties to the conflict. Otherwise there is a danger of key parties withdrawing from the peace process or alternatively trying to impose a solution on their own terms, if necessary by a resumption of violence. To overcome these fears and build a degree of mutual confidence measures of properly supervised disarmament and demobilization of armed groups is normally a vital phase if the peace process is to succeed. In seeking to end terrorist violence, as with other forms of conflict, paper agreements alone will not be enough.

Future Developments of Political Terrorism in Europe by Max Taylor and John Horgan

The changes in Eastern Europe have called into question common assumptions we used to make about the sources of conflict, and about the relationship between terrorism and conflict. Other less clearly identifiable social changes might also lead us to re-evaluate how terrorism might develop in the future. This paper identifies and focuses primarily on the one particular source for future terrorism, as it relates to the work of Samuel Huntington. This paper explores the role of international or civilisation sources of future terrorist-based conflicts, using examples from the war in Bosnia, and the circumstances surrounding the assumed ending of the Northern Ireland conflict. The authors also emphasise how our perception of the psychology of terrorists should be seen in light of such views.

Terrorism and the Shape of Things to Come by Leonard Weinberg and William Eubank

In his widely read The Clash of Civilizations Samuel Huntington asserts that the post Cold War world will be dominated by conflicts not based on competing ideologies or inter-state rivalries so much as ones involving the world's seven or eight distinct civilizations, Western, Orthodox, Islamic etc. Civilizations based on the world's major religions will provide the basis of conflict, often violent, as we enter the twenty-first century. This analysis tests Huntington's contention by an investigation of the changing nature of international terrorist events from 1968 through 1997; in other words from Cold War to the post Cold War circumstances. The investigation confirms Huntington's generalization in that more recent acts of international terrorism have become more inter than intra-civilizational. However, the data suggest that the shift in the tendency from intra to inter-civilization occurred in the early 1980s some years before the Cold War drew to a close. As a result of these findings, it is suggested that international terrorism may be a leading indicator of other forms of conflict, a measure that anticipates rather than follows wider scale clashes.

Terrorism and The Use of Weapons of Mass Destruction: From Where The Risk? by Alex P Schmid

Alex Schmid discusses the risk of use by terrorists of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). Historical evidence suggests a low probability of terrorist use of WMD, but the paper notes how the failure of contemporary terrorist organisations to always automatically acknowledge attacks complicates analysis. What constitutes WMD is reviewed, including radiological, nuclear, biological and chemical weapons, and the significance of transnational criminal organisations in the development of the threat of use of WMD is discussed. Particular reference is made to the Soviet legacy as a source of WMD. Inhibitory and facilitating factors are reviewed, as are strategies for defence against terrorist use of WMD. The paper concludes by noting the significance of a better reading of 'early warning' signals in the assessment of WMD threat.

Exploding the Myths of Superterrorism by David Claridge

Current counter-terrorism activity and domestic preparedness programmes in the United States have devoted massive resources to the possibility of terrorist use of Weapons of Mass Destruction. Academics and practitioners alike have argued in favour of the devotion of increased resource allocation to fighting and responding to 'superterrorism.' This paper argues that these authorities have significantly inflated the issue of terrorist use of WMD, and in particular chemical and biological weapons, to hysterical levels. It is argued that not only is it much more difficult for terrorists to obtain the necessary materials, most terrorist groups are unlikely to be attracted to such weapons. Not only does this lead to a huge waste of resources, the programmes that have been adopted in the US are counter-productive. The continued public discourse on the availability of recipes and materials, and of assessments of the likely effects of a chemical or biological attack, may attract individuals or groups that would otherwise not have considered WMD. The huge sums of money available to agencies involved in counter-terrorism have led to a feeding frenzy amongst US government departments. This means that unsuitable and unskilled agencies have become involved in an area in which they have no specialisation, effectively diverting resources from the agencies that are best suited to security tasks. The paper argues that better intelligence and understanding of the groups that may commit acts of superterrorism is more important that expensive preparations for an event that is very unlikely to happen.

Aum Shinrikyo's Efforts to Produce Biological Weapons: A Case Study in the Serial Propagation of Misinformation by Milton Leitenberg

The potential use of biological weapons by terrorist groups has figured large in the national security sector of Washington officialdom since 1995 largely as a result of the discovery in 1995 that the Aum Shinrikyo group in Japan had produced and dispersed toxic biological agents. This paper examines every allegation regarding the Aum group and biological weapons: anthrax, botulinum toxin, Q-fever, Ebola, and genetic engineering, and documents that each and every one of their efforts in the biological weapons area either failed, or never existed at all. This paper further documents the trail of gross and gratuitous misinformation regarding these stories.

Terrorism in the Name of Animal Rights by Rachel Monaghan

The recent hunger strike by Barry Horne, a convicted member of the Animal Liberation Front, currently serving 18 years in gaol for a two year firebombing campaign, has brought the issue of violent animal rights activism into the fore. The police and the media warned of an impending backlash against the country's main vivisection laboratories, their suppliers, and their supporters. At the same time, the Animal Rights Militia issued a hit list of ten people they said they would assassinate in the event of Horne's death. The label of 'terrorism' has been placed on the campaigns waged by those groups within the animal rights movement who employ the use of violence in the pursuit of their cause. This paper seeks to examine the validity of such labelling.

Terrorism and Counter-terrorism in a Multi-Centric World: Challenges and Opportunities by Ronald D Crelinsten

The article begins by comparing the 1999 arrest of PKK leader, Abdullah calan, in Italy and his release despite extradition requests from Turkey and Germany, and the 1977 arrest of Palestinian terrorist, Abu Daoud, in France and his release despite extradition requests from Israel and the Federal Republic of Germany. The contrast between the massive, worldwide response in 1999 and the more muted, localised response in 1977 is related to James Rosenau's turbulence model of global change. The article then compares two discourses about the possibility that terrorists could use weapons of mass destruction, one in 1999 and one in 1980, using the Aum Shinrikyo case as a referent. The earlier discourse explains why terrorists would not resort to WMD terrorism, except in certain exceptional cases, while the latter discourse suggests that WMD terrorism is inevitable and must be prepared for. The difference is again compared to Rosenau's turbulence model and the claims-making activities by (primarily American) security professionals. It is suggested that the 1999 discourse is not supported by the facts of the Aum case and that it risks imposing a threat assessment and policy prescription onto Europe that is not concordant with European realities.

A Legal Inter-Network for Terrorism: Issues of Globalization, Fragmentation and Legitimacy by Michael Dartnell

This article discusses the international legal framework on terrorism in reference to the major conventions signed between 1963 and 1997. Counter-terrorism is one area of global security and crisis management in which the contradictions between inter-governmental and supranational structures are especially evident. Existing international instruments on terrorism concentrate on unacceptable behaviours, protecting certain groups, and regulating manufacture and storage of specific types of potentially harmful materials. Their effectiveness is weakened by traditional state sovereignty, state monopoly over the use of force and criminal-judicial affairs, inter-state co-operation, and the principle of national self-determination, which is repeatedly used to justify intentional violence by private or semi-state groups against civilian or military targets outside acknowledged war zones. Rapid change in international security is now driving the development of mutual assistance, international standards and norms, and analysis as well as the formulation of global strategies and commitment of material and financial resources. The article argues that these measures recapitulate national-international tensions and constitute a possible core for an international network to manage political violence.

Terrorists as Transnational Actors by Louise Richardson

Louise Richardson focuses on international connections between terrorists as non-state actors. After reviewing, from a US Government Perspective, terrorism as an instrument of foreign policy, it goes on to identify a continuum of 'five degrees' of relationship between terrorist organisations and their sponsors: murder of dissidents, recruitment and training of operatives for overseas missions, control of terrorist groups and their direction, provision of training and financial support, and identification of a Government's interests with those of a terrorist group. The significance of efforts to export revolution as a factor in instigating terrorist violence is also noted. The paper notes that the relationships between states and terrorist groups may not always clearly fall within transnational or transgovernmental relationships. The significance of drawing critical distinctions between the relationships of movements and those who assist them is discussed for both academics and policy-makers.

Index

Abstracts of articles in Issue 11.3

Ragged Justice: Loyalist Vigilantism in Northern Ireland by Andrew Silke

Loyalist paramilitaries have been carrying out vigilante attacks since the earliest years of the Troubles. In four of the past six years, they have actually carried out more vigilante attacks than republican paramilitaries. Yet despite this history, virtually nothing has been written about this aspect of paramilitarism in Northern Ireland. This article explores the origins and growth of loyalist vigilantism. The impact of pivotal events such as the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement and the 1994 ceasefires are discussed. The vigilantism clearly fulfils a number of important functions for the loyalists but it also carries heavy costs. The article examines how the political parties associated with the paramilitaries have struggled to accommodate the vigilante campaigns while attempting to build wider political appeal. The article concludes that despite the political costs, current developments in Northern Ireland appear to favour an intensification rather than a diminution of loyalist vigilantism.

Peace Processes and Northern Ireland: Squaring Circles? by James Dingley

The aim of this article is to review some of the issues involved in the current 'peace process/talks' in Northern Ireland. Despite the current euphoria over the talks, Good Friday Agreement and the Nobel Prizes there are still many serious issues to be resolved that leave the whole process in doubt. These are substantive issues that can often appear as trivial detail in the rhetoric and hyperbole of peace. Three issues particularly stand out: decommissioning of weapons, the constitutional status of Northern Ireland and the role of terrorist activists. These, I argue, are key concerns that go to the heart of the Troubles, yet have not been resolved. And it is around these concerns that much of the current talks revolve. They also reflect seriously on the extent to which democratic government can engage in deals with terrorists, trading peace for integrity at what price?

WMD Terrorism and US Intelligence Collection by Francis H Marlo

Many analysts argue that better intelligence collection is necessary to improve the United States' ability to prevent, deter and defeat WMD terrorism, but few give any concrete analysis of exactly what the various types of intelligence can contribute to better understanding the WMD terrorist threat. This study outlines the emerging WMD terrorist threat and discusses the respective contributions that technical, human and open source intelligence can make in assessing the various stages of a WMD terrorist act. According to this analysis, neither imagery nor traditional human collection is capable of providing the critical information needed by policy makers. Rather, information collected by case officers working under unofficial cover and by clandestine means offer the best chance of identifying groups interested in producing and using WMD.

Some US Concerns Regarding Islamist and Middle Eastern Terrorism by Maria Do Cu Pinto

According to American intelligence and security assessments, the Middle East is the major source of state-sponsored international terrorism. The perceived threat of Iran as a leading supporter of terrorism is substantially raised by reports that Iran is seeking nuclear weapons technology. Sudan continues to harbour members of some of the world's most violent organizations and was actively involved in the 1995 attempt to assassinate Egyptian President Mubarak. A new Islamic threat is, however, on the rise as a result of the activities of ad hoc terrorist groups. These groups are even more dangerous in many ways than the traditional groups because they lack a well-established organizational identity, and they tend to decentralize and compartmentalize their activities. They are capable of producing sophisticated conventional weapons, as well as chemical and biological agents. They are also less constrained by state sponsors or other benefactors than more traditional terrorist organizations. These new groups seek to punish the United States and other Western nations by inflicting heavy civilian casualties. The World Trade Center bombers are prime examples of this new breed of radical, transnational, Islamic terrorists. Both the traditional groups and the newer, ad hoc groups have increased their capability to attack US interests. These groups are well funded, and some have developed sophisticated international support networks that provide them great freedom of movement and increase their opportunities to attack the interests of the United States on a global basis.

Coping Strategies in Prolonged Kidnappings by Augusto Prez and Andrea Bahamon

This study investigates prolonged kidnappings as a stressful situation and the different coping strategies used to survive it. A 35-question, semi-structured interview and an adaptation of the Ways of Coping Checklist by Lazarus et al. (1986) were applied to live subjects who had been kidnapped by different Colombian guerrilla groups for periods of time above three months. The results of the interviews and checklist were compared; it was found that to achieve an efficient coping process it is necessary to be versatile with the coping directed to emotions, such as fantasy and self-guilt, and directed to the problem, such as problem solving. Other topics for future studies are proposed.

The Evolution of the Church of Israel: Dangerous Mutations by David W Brannan

This article extends the discussion of the importance of Dan Gayman and the Church of Israel in defining the evolution of Identity theology, as presented by Jeffrey Kaplan in the Spring 1993 and 1995 issues of Terrorism and Political Violence and Professor M. Barkun's work, Religion and the Racist Right. The work gives examples of how Identity theology has evolved and mutated since the time these important works were published, highlighting the dangerous new twists it has taken. In addition it makes a case for rethinking the language we use in describing Identity theology in light of the more theologically driven agenda presented by Gayman as opposed to the ideological mantra of other forms of Identity.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 11.2

Playing the 'Green Card' - Financing the Provisional IRA: Part 1 by John Horgan and Max Taylor

In the first of two articles on the fundraising activities of the Provisional IRA (PIRA), the extent and nature of the PIRA's finance operations are described. The areas of kidnapping for ransom, armed robbery, extortion and drug trading, although very specific, serve to illustrate the nature and potential complexity of fund-raising activities, the general issues that surround them, as well as specific internal organisational issues and factors indicative of an acute awareness by PIRA leaders of the environments within which they and members of their organisation operate. How the PIRA's involvement in certain kinds of criminal activities can and does influence not only their operational development and successes but also the development and sustenance of support for the PIRA's political wing, Sinn Fein, is discussed. It is clear that the absence of direct PIRA involvement in certain forms of criminality is imperative for the the development of Sinn Fein's political successes. In the second article, which describes how and why PIRA financing operations have evolved into a much more sophisticated and technical set of activities (including money laundering), what emerges is a picture of the PIRA and Sinn Fein which serves to portray one of the most important long-term fundamental limiting factors for the development of a large, sophisticated terrorist group and its political wing as finance, and not solely the personal or ideological commitment of its active members. Both of these articles will illustrate the PIRA leadership's many internal organisational concerns relating to fundraising, the links between the PIRA's militants and Sinn Fein - and between PIRA and Sinn Fein fundraising - and the relative sophistication of the Republican movement as a whole. Aiding these illustrations will be case study material, interview data and both public and privately-held documentation. The descriptive data, the issues surrounding it in general and its implications presented in the present article, along with case-study material, discussions and interpretations presented in the second article serve to illustrate the many more general and conceptual issues emerging from terrorist financing, issues whose significance strongly contrasts their due consideration to date.

Anatomy of a Government Massacre: Abuses of Hostage-Barricade Protocols during the Waco Standoff by Stuart A Wright

A systematic evaluation of the FBI's crisis negotiations with the Branch Davidians during a 51-day standoff in 1993 is conducted. The analysis uncovers extensive violations of basic hostage-barricade standards and protocols. The violations appear shortly after negotiations began indicating a premature disregard for the publicly declared goal of a peaceful resolution. Failed negotiations subsequently were cited by FBI officials as a rationale for organizing a violent and dangerous CS gas assault on the barricaded group, resulting in the destruction of the religious community and the deaths of 74 people. The violations do not appear to be random, incidental, or the result of disorganization, as officials claim. The data indicate that the FBI's on-scene commanders and tactical component of the Hostage-Rescue Team (HRT) contributed largely to the failed negotiations through methods of increased tactical pressure and psychological warfare providing justification for the high-risk assault. The thesis is advanced that the HRT command may have pursued furtively what some insiders call a 'Western' view of hostage-barricade incidents - i.e., that negotiations should be used as a means of manipulating people into positions where a tactical solution can be executed. In this context, the standoff is analyzed as a government massacre. Possible motives for the state violence are linked to the sect's defiant posture, aspects of police culture, effective demonization of the sect, and the disturbing trend of 'militarization' within law enforcement.

Going by the Book: A Response to Stuart Wright by Eugene V Gallagher

There is no Cookbook for Crisis Negotiation: A Response to Stuart Wright by Jayne Seminare Docherty

In Response to Stuart Wright by Kerry Noble

Cookbook or Cooking the Books?: A Rejoinder to Gallagher, Docherty and Noble by Stuart A Wright

Courts under Threat by Leonard B Weinberg, Elizabeth Francis and Randall D Lloyd

In recent years "Patriots", Freemen, sovereign citizens and members of so-called common law courts have come into conflict with federal, state and local authorities. The media, various watchdog organizations and the authorities themselves have drawn our attention to these radical right groups and the individuals belonging to them. Courts Under Threat tackles the problem from a different angle. It is based on the responses of a random sample of state and municipal judges throughout the United States to a survey instrument. The latter sought to determine the kinds of interactions judges have with litigants who challenge the authority and jurisdiction of the court. In particular, the survey reported in this article focuses on what types of judges are most likely to confront challenges, the kinds of cases most likely to provoke such challenges and who the judges believe are the kinds of individuals most likely to pose the challenges. In addition, the article examines the kinds of responses judges make to the latter and the threats that not uncommonly accompany them.

Sounds of Hate: White Power Rock and Roll and the Neo-Nazi Skinhead Subculture by John M Cotter

This article deals with the most violent sub-group of a variety of contemporary right-wing extremist organizations - neo-Nazi skinheads. Specifically, I argue that in order to understand the growth and violent nature of this subculture it is necessary to address the important role played by its main propaganda tool called white power rock and roll. After reviewing the close relationship between this music and the historical development of the present day international neo-Nazi skinhead network, I examine the main themes found within white power rock and roll by placing them within the context of contemporary right-wing extremist ideology and noting differences where appropriate. In general, this propaganda seeks to incite violent activity by accentuating perceived threats from a conspiracy of enemies and by constructing a 'warrior' subculture that glorifies aggression and sacrifice. Contrary to some predictions, skinheads will continue to present a significant problem in terms of hate crime due to the steady proliferation of producers of this propaganda and profits associated with its distribution.

Terrorism Dissertations and the Evolution of a Specialty: An Analysis of Meta-Information by Avishag Gordon

The notion that the terrorism subject-area has failed to become a specialty because of too few researchers and trainees in the field arose first in 1983, and most recently in 1997 ( by Reid), thus indicating an ongoing, unsolved obstacle in the developmental life of this sub-field. This issue is discussed in the present study. Authors of M.A. and Ph.D. theses were considered here as the future researchers in this field and as fulfilling the role of apprenticeship. The literature has pointed to this function as one of several conditions enabling a sub-field to become a specialty, since it fulfills the function of self- reproduction by providing a discipline with new and young researchers, new views and ideas and more accumulated and organized knowledge. The abstract and bibliographical details of theses and dissertations were retrieved and analyzed from Dissertation Abstract International, which is a UMI database on OCLC's FirstSearch. This analysis of meta-information should provide some indication of the status of the subject of terrorism today as a subfield and its chances of becoming an institutionalized specialty in the future.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 11.1

Is One Person's Terrorist Another's Freedom Fighter? Western and Islamic Approaches to Just War Compared by Robert Kennedy

The fight against terrorism frequently is plagued by the old adage: one person's terrorist is simply another's freedom fighter. In view of ever present terrorist violence in the Middle East and in the wake of the thesis advanced by Samuel Huntington that 'the great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural' - a 'Clash of Civilazations' of differing norms and values, a major question arises. Are there shared norms that transcend religion, culture, even civilizations that can and should provide a guide for distinguishing between terrorism and other acts of war or conflict? This article addresses one aspect of the overall question of shared norms. Its purpose is to examine the norms established in both Western Christian and secular and Islamic 'just war' traditions and their modern derivatives in terms of their utility as a guide for differentiating between terrorism and what might otherwise simply be called irregular warfare. The article concludes that, despite the existence of 'fundamentalist' interpretations on all sides, generally shared norms indeed do exist among Western Christian and secular and Islamic 'just war' traditions. The article, however, also concludes that a number of factors contribute to differences of perspective between and among Muslims and members of many western societies. Among these factors are (1) a revival of jus ad bellum thinking that operates to the detriment of jus in bello, (2) United Nations restrictions on the use of force are not universally accepted, and (3) the impact of national liberation movements and national liberation theology. Such factors have contributed to an absence of a clear consensus on the definition of terrorism, which has been complicated further by the tendency among many western nations to adopt definitions that are overly inclusive.

Martyrdom and Witnessing: Violence, Terror and Recollection in Cyprus by Paul Sant Cassia

This paper examines the relationship between history, memory, and experience in Cyprus by reference to the 1955-1959 EOKA armed nationalist struggle, and its subsequent contentious interpretations by Greek Cypriot villagers. There have long been tensions between official rememberings and personal recollections in Cyprus. Permeating both lie perceptions of the past, the present and the future. Both state sponsored nationalist ideology and ordinary people construct narratives about the past, and they intersect and interact in complex ways. The paper suggests that the relationship between official rememberings and personal recollections /experiences is highly complex and double-edged. Official (Cypriot) state sponsored views of the past, which is peopled with actors of determinate ethnic identities (Greek, Turks, etc), is not only highly selective, but often questioned and subverted by its citizens' narratives of experiences of that past. Conversely, personal recollections based upon experiences can reenforce official rembemberings. The paper explores the tensions between the two and the implications for the construction of the nation state as an imagined community.

Rebel's Dilemma: The Changing Relationship between the IRA, Sinn Fein and Paramilitary Vigilantism in Northern Ireland by Andrew Silke

The 40 month period which followed the introduction of the IRA's 1994 cease-fire, witnessed the most intensive vigilante campaign ever carried out by the movement. A commitment to vigilantism has profoundly affected the evolution of both the policy and structure of Sinn Fein and the IRA. However, vigilantism bears costs for the two organisations and several serious attempts have been made by senior figures to end the practice. This article sets out to understand and describe the dynamics of militant republicanism's fluctuating commitment to vigilante violence, and in particular to understand the complex issues vigilantism has raised within Sinn Fein and the IRA in the past three decades. The article concludes that the two organisations are now irretrievably committed to vigilantism, and short of major RUC reform, they will be unable to end what has become a politically-damaging policy.

The Debate on the Potential for Mass Destruction Terrorism: The Challenge to US Security by Joseph W Foxell, Jr.

The USA, the world's only superpower, is increasingly endangered by terrorism, because of the rise of fanatical groups dedicated to the total annihilation of those they see as their enemies. Their opportunity arises from the growing availability for examples of biological weapons, or of nuclear materials from the former Soviet Union. This work explores several hypothetical threat-vignette scenarios to explain how and why various terrorists might get and use these weapons. Here, some attention is paid to describing the ways in which nuclear, biological and chemical terrorism might be deployed against a civilian populace. It concludes by observing that developing strategies to defeat mass-casualty terrorism may very well be the greatest challenge the United States will face in our lifetime.

Patterns of Political Violence and Responses of the Government in Sri Lanka, 1971-1996 by Gamini Samaranayake

The main objective of this article is to examine the causes and pattern of insurrections and the responses of governments in Sri Lanka. It is the argument of the paper that social expansion and lack of economic and political development have created guerrilla organizations such as the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Consequently, the polity of Sri Lanka has been confined to the left-wing insurgency and ethnic insurgency respectively. The paper has identified the lack of a national policy as a major constraint of the problem. It is recommended that there should be a viable conflict resolution mechanism along with political reforms as a solution to the problem of violence in the island.

Islamist Organisations on the Internet by Michael Whine

Cyberspace provides a new arena for political extremists and terrorists to operate in. among those who have eagerly seized upon its possibilities are Islamists, whose networked systems of organisation are enhanced by the use of information and communication technologies (ICT's). They use these for communication between themselves and to the outside world, and to a lesser extent for command and control. ICT's allow a degree of interconnectivity that previously was anavailable. They also allow them to communicate covertly. However their use of the new technologies also allows researchers a growing opportunity to furhter monitor their activities and their strategic developments.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 10.3

Special Issue

Aviation Terrorism and Security

Edited by: Paul Wilkinson, University of St Andrews and Brian M Jenkins, Former Member of the Gore Commission on Aviation Safety and Security

Attacks On Civil Aviation: Trends And Lessons by Ariel Merari

Although the first attempted aerial hijacking occurred in 1931, attacks on commercial aviation became a major problem only in the late 1960's. The beginning of the phenomenon can be accurately pinpointed in time: In 1966 there were only five attacks on commercial aviation and six attacks occurred in 1967. In 1968 there were already twenty-nine attacks and in 1969 there were 94 attacks. The attributes of these attacks are discussed below. Government authorities and airline companies had to adjust rapidly to a new reality and to find ways to cope with a new threat. This article also examines the adequacy of their response.

The Politics of Aviation Terrorism by Peter St. John

During a 30-year period, the hijacking of civil aircraft has been aimed at Western governments, not only to disrupt, but to bring about political change in the Middle East. Using Pan Am 103 as a case study, this article examines the confusion in US decision-making, which attempts simultaneously to conduct a rational foreign policy and confront international terrorism in the Middle East. The Pan Am 103 episode also demonstrates the conflicting agendas and enormous lack of co-operation between US government agencies. Finally, it is suggested that solving the root problems of the Palestinians and improving American relations with Iran may go a long way toward eradicating the scourge of hijack terrorism.

Aircraft Sabotage by Brian M Jenkins

Commercial aviation historically has been a favourite target of terrorists who have viewed airlines as nationally-labelled containers of hostages in the case of hijackings, or victims in the case of sabotage. The terrorist assault on airliners set off a deadly contest between bomb makers and airline security which has continued for the past quarter century with security gradually gaining. In the early 1970's, more than 30 percent of international terrorist attacks were targeted against commercial aviation; it is less than 10 percent today. The 1970's saw at least 18 attempts to sabotage aircraft with eight crashes. The 1980's saw an increase in attempts with six crashes. There have been far fewer attempts in the 1990's with only one crash.

Aviation Security and Terrorism: An Analysis of the Potential Threat to Air Cargo Integrators by Bruce Hoffman

This article utilises empirical rather than anecdotal evidence to examine, based on the historical record: the nature of the terrorist threat to commercial aviation; the patterns of international terrorist activity within the context of the threat posed to aviation; and, the motives of terrorists who target commercial aviation. Based on the above analysis, it concludes with an assessment of the terrorist threat to air cargo integrators specifically.

The Missile Threat to Civil Aviation by Marvin B Shaffer

Near the end of 1997, more than a year after the event, the circumstances of the TWA 800 crash are still uncertain. Could it have been caused by a man-portable missile fired by a terrorist? There is no evidence in the recovered wreckage thus far to support that theory and investigators are leaning toward other answers. Although the author has no basis for questioning their finding, it is useful to review some related facts concerning man-portable anti-aircraft missiles, including both history and technology, and attempt to dispel a few myths. Could such an event occur in the future? The answer is yes.

The Role of International Aviation Organizations in Enhancing Security by Rodney Wallis

This article describes the role of the international organisations, ICAO, IATA, ECAC and the ACI, in enhancing civil aviation security. It offers a brief explanation of their different roles and shows how they link to provide a worldwide security structure for the benefit of the air traveller. Their strengths and weaknesses are considered and their different approaches to aviation security implementation discussed. The commercial organisations' mandate to provide safe, regular and economical air transport is reviewed and a practical example of security enhancement is given. The sterile lounge concept, experienced by all air travellers using British airports, is used to demonstrate the link between facilitation (making things easier) and security.

Aviation Security in Great Britain Before and After Lockerbie by Omar Malik

The destruction of Pan Am 103 in British airspace re-energised British aviation security activity. Creditable efforts were made by both the British government and the British civil aviation industry. There were advances in political direction, administrative system, security standards and in security consciousness. The security of British aircraft overseas is dependent upon other states meeting their responsibilities. HMG has not taken a holistic view of aviation security. Government unwillingness to contribute to the industry's costs underlies its failure to develop a constructive partnership with industry. Nonetheless Great Britain can reasonably claim to have led the world in the pursuit of higher aviation security standards.

Aviation Security In The United States by Brian M Jenkins

The crash of TWA Flight 800 off the coast of New York on July 17, 1996 prompted an ambitious program to upgrade aviation security in America. The initial circumstances of the crash suggested that the plane had been brought down by a terrorist bomb or, some suggested, a missile. Nearly a year after the event investigators concluded that mechanical failure was the more likely cause of the crash. Flight 800 apart, many observers felt at the time that substantial improvements were long overdue if only to bring American security in line with that in Europe. New security measures were recommended by a White House Commission that, when fully implemented, will lead to the most significant increase in aviation security since the adoption of full passenger screening in the early 1970s.

Enhancing Global Aviation Security by Paul Wilkinson

In this concluding essay, Paul Wilkinson stresses the importance of judical co-operation to bring those guilty of crimes against terrorism to justice.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 10.2

Towards a Counter-Terrorism Law and Policy by Irwin Cotler

The first part of the paper seeks to identify the factors and dynamics of 'the new face' of international terrorism that must be factored into any counter-terrorism law and policy; it concludes, on this point, that the most important factors blunting an effective counter-terrorism law and policy is the blurring of the moral and political divides, as in the oft-repeated shibboleth that 'one person's terrorist is another person's freedom fighter'. The underlying thesis of the paper, then, is that terrorism must be seen for what it is - as the ultimate existential assault on human rights and human dignity and that the struggle against terrorism, therefore, must be seen as part of the longer struggle for human rights and human dignity, a principal which anchors the counter-terrorism law and policy proposal in the paper.

Counter-Terrorism and Commercial Interests: Do They Conflict? by Gil Feiler

This paper concentrates on whether there is an inherent conflict between commercial interests and the fight against state-sponsored terrorism. It examines the differences between US and EU policy, particularly in relation to Iran; the roles of Russia and China and the wider impact of international responses. The author concludes that symbolic sanctions and sporadic dialogue are completely inadequate instruments, but that genuine international sanctions and critical dialogue should not be viewed as mutually exclusive policy instruments.

Terrorist Crisis Management in Japan: Historical Development and Changing Response (1970-1997) by Taiji Miyaoka

As Japan plays a more significant role in international society, it has become a more attractive target for international terrorists. Under these circumstances, Japan has mostly taken a conciliatory response, as used to deal with the JRA, Aum, MRTA terrorist incidents, in contrast to the hard line response in most Western nations. However, there has been a recent increase in support in Japan for more punitive methods. The aim of this study is to examine how Japan can develop its effective counter and anti-terrorist capabilities based on the understanding of Japanese cultural and social norms. It surveys the acceptability and effectiveness of combating terrorism in a democratic society such as Japan. A flexible Japanese counter-terrorist response, which is influenced by characteristics of each terrorist incident could be the most effective strategy.

The Role of Ideology in Terrorists' Target Selection by C.J.M. Drake

Ideology plays a crucial role in terrorist's target selection; it supplies terrorists with an initial motive for action and provides a prism through which they view events and the actions of other people. Those people and institutions whom they deem guilty of having transgressed the tenets of the terrorists' ideologically-based moral framework are considered to be legitimate targets which the terrorists feel justified in attacking. As an extension of this, ideology also allows terrorists to justify their violence by displacing the responsibility onto either their victims or other actors, whom in ideological terms they hold responsible for the state of affairs which the terrorists' claim led them to adopt violence. While it is not the only factor which determines whether a potential target is attacked, ideology provides an initial range of legitimate targets and a means by which terrorists seek to justify attacks, both to the outside world and to themselves.

The Use of Assassination as a Tool of State Policy: South Africa's Counter-Revolutionary Strategy 1979-1992 (Part 1) by Kevin A. O'Brian

This article will discuss the use of assassination as a tool of state policy, examining a number of cases in which assassination has been so used in the modern era. It will focus on the role of the apartheid-era security forces in South Africa, and the policies that developed under South Africa's counter-revolutionary strategy against the various liberation movements in Southern Africa during the last 15 years of the apartheid government.

A Reply to White's Non-Sectarian Thesis of PIRA Targeting by James Dingley

James Dingley responds to Robert White's article on sectarianism and republican violence in Northern Ireland. A rejoinder from Robert White will appear in a future issue.

Political Terrorism in South-East Asia by Peter Chalk

This article will provide an overview of one specific non-military threat that is beginning to assume greater prominence on south-east Asia's broadened security agenda: political terrorism. Although by no means new to the south-east Asian environment, for much of the twentieth century its importance was sidelined and, in a sense 'contained', by the more pressing concern over US-Soviet nuclear rivalry. With the end of the Cold War, however, the 'bottle has been uncorked' on a variety of lower-level threats, with issues such as terrorism now taking on greater prominence and relevance in their own right as significant regional and national security concerns.

Research: The RAND-St Andrews Chronology of International Terrorism and Noteworthy Domestic Incidents 1996 by Bruce Hoffman and David Claridge

Book Reviews

Abstracts of articles in Issue 10.1

Tenth Aniversary Editorial: An Assessment by David Rapoport and Paul Wilkinson

Uncovering the Urban Dimension in Nationalist Conflict: Jerusalem and Belfast Compared by Scott A Bollens

How does an urban setting of a nationalist conflict exert effects on the coherency of political opposition and the level of ethnic tension? Urban policies can transform broader conflict by affecting the material grounds for political grievance and the dynamics of an ethnically-based urban opposition. This article probes the effects of partisan Israeli policies on Jerusalem Palestinians since 1967 and the effects of ethnically-neutral British policies on Belfast Catholics since 1972. Findings indicate that the urban region, heretofore neglected in conflict studies, is a complex platform for the interplay of community-based opposition and nationalist ethnic conflict. In Jerusalem, Palestinian grievances over Israeli partisan urban strategy are strong, but Israeli co-optation of the Arab community and Palestinian government's lack of enthusiasm concerning grassroots advocacy and human rights work dampen Palestinian oppositional mobilization. In Belfast, Catholic grievances over material conditions are partially addressed by nonpartisan urban policies, yet organizational attributes of the republican Catholic opposition appear resistant to governing regime efforts to dampen them. While a city amidst nationalist conflict constitutes a lever that a urban governing regime can use in efforts to exploit cleavages within the political opposition, it also comprises an emotive symbol that can consolidate political opposition.

The Arabs in Israel: Identity, Criminality and the Peace Process by Raphael Israeli

The basic datum that criminality among the Palestinian Arabs of Israel is nearly double the average among the population in general begs some hard questions and answers. It is suggested here that, besides the regular crimes endemic in Israeli society of which Arabs and Jews alike partake, there is a category of criminal activity that is peculiar to the Arabs, under the heading of 'ideological', namely nationalistically and/or religiously induced. It is suggested here that the peace process between Israel and the Palestinians does not necessarily reduce the rate of criminality among Israeli Arabs. Quite the contrary, in some cases it might increase criminal partnerships between Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line divide even when the peace process is alive and kicking; and when it is not, things might even get worse with the Israeli Arabs increasingly identifying with their brethren across the border in their struggle against the right-wing government of Israel from which they are totally alienated.

Restraining Excesses: Resistance and Counter-Resistance in Nazi-Occupied Denmark 1940-1945 by Bjrn Schreiber Pedersen and Adam Holm

The resistance movements in Nazi-occupied Europe 1939-1945 are notable examples of underground violence with their own special characteristics. This study examines the structure and development of the Danish resistance movement and the countermeasures applied by the Danish authorities and the German occupiers to the resistance activities. A conspicuous feature of the resistance in Denmark is its attempt to restrain the use of violence and to conduct the struggle in a manner acceptable to Danish political culture. In that respect, the resistance, which still stands as the only significant example of politically motivated violence in modern Danish history, did not only mark a break with, but in essential aspects was also a continuation of a peaceful political tradition.

Defining International Terrorism: A Pragmatic Approach by Thomas J Badey

One of the fundamental problems in addressing the phenomenon of international terrorism is that despite a plethora of scholarly work and more than thirty years of inter-governmental discourse there is still no commonly accepted definition of international terrorism. Existing definitions tend to fall into two broad categories academic and political. Contemporary academic definitions of international terrorism are primarily designed to fit incidents into various statistical models. They are often lengthy, over-complicated and defy common usage. Governmental definitions of international terrorism tend to be ambiguous to allow the most politically convenient interpretation of events. This paper takes a pragmatic look at the ongoing definitional dilemma in the study of international terrorism. Drawing upon both sides of the definitional spectrum, it charts a middle course arguing for a more lucid and functional definition of terrorism based on primary characteristics which distinguish international terrorism from other types of violence.

Terrorism and Democracy: What Recent Events Disclose by Leonard B Weinberg and William L Eubank

This paper is the second in a series of analyses which explore relationships between terrorism and democracy. In this instance, the authors use the Rand-St Andrews Chronology of International Terrorism for 1994, as well as the US State Department's Patterns of Global Terrorism collection of events for 1995. The authors use these data sets to determine if there is a linkage between the occurrence of terrorist attacks and the type of incumbent political regime in the countries where they are perpetrated. The two classifications of political regimes were drawn from Robert Wesson's 1987 study Democracy: a Worldwide Survey and the Freedom House Publication Freedom in the World for 1984-85 and 1994-95, in order to evaluate the impact of regime change on the incidence of terrorist events. Our principle finding, consistent with earlier work, is that terrorist events are substantially more likely to occur in free and democratic settings than in any of the alternatives. We do discover, though, that change in and of itself makes a difference. Countries which underwent regime change in the period under consideration were more likely to experience terrorism than countries which did not.

East Timor, Twenty Years After: Resistir e Vencer (To Resist is to Win) by Roy Pateman

Indonesia has occupied East Timor for the past twenty years. In spite of continuous military actions, and the death or displacement of one-third of its population, East Timor has not been conquered. During the course of the struggle, the East Timorese have developed a distinct sense of nationality and adopted the major vernacular language, Ttun, for communication. More than ninety per cent of the population are Roman Catholics, and the Church has become the moral fortress of the oppressed. A change of leadership in Indonesia could trigger off great upheavals and give the East Timorese another chance at independence.

The Origins of the 'Contra War' in Nicaragua: The Results of a Failed Development Model by Robert P Hager, Jr.

This article considers the causes of the 'Contra War' in Nicaragua during the 1980s. This conflict has often been portrayed as an American 'proxy war' fought by Somoza's former National Guard against a regime supported by most common Nicaraguans. This article proposes an alternate view. The Managua regime, with the advice and assistance of the Soviet bloc, pursued a model of political consolidation and economic development followed by other Third World Marxist-Leninist states. As in other 'states of socialist orientation' in the 1970s and 1980s, this one encountered considerable popular resistance. The conflict in Nicaragua, thus, was a civil war caused by Sandinista policies.

Review Article: The Price of Wisdom is Above Rubies by Omar Malik

News and Notes

Book Reviews

Abstracts of articles in Issue 9.4

The Western Alliance and the Challenge of Combating Terrorism by Philip C Wilcox, Jr.

The author begins by seeking to explain why terrorism has risen higher in the hierarchy of 'global issues' at a time when the tend in international terrorist incidents, those involving the territory or citizens of more than one country, is declining. The second part of the article surveys what the Western Alliance is doing to combat terrorism and concludes that although much has been achieved by improved international co-operation more efforts are needed to deal with crises which, if left to languish, can lead to violence and terrorism.

Television and Terrorism: Implications for Crisis Management and Policy-Making by Ronald D Crelinsten

Because few of us experience terrorism firsthand, the media play an important role in informing us when major incidents occur. Because of its instantaneity and its ability to reach many audiences at once, the electronic media and particularly television can have a significant impact on the various players who become involved in a particular crisis. This article examines the kinds of effects that television can have on four sets of actors most commonly involved in terrorist crises or major incidents: politicians, police, the public and the print media. While some of these effects can be negative, others can be positive. As a whole, however, television tends to diminish the quality of political discourse, with its emphasis on simplification and dramatization. In time of crisis, this can have serious consequences on decision-makers who depend upon an informed public to understand the issues at stake and the limits on government action. The article ends by examining briefly how these effects relate to the increasing role of the private sector in public safety and security.

Alias 'GBGPGS': Action Directe Internationale's Transition from Revolutionary Terrorism to Euro-Terrorism by Michael Dartnell

This article discusses terrorism as a ritual act or series of acts that expresses a message. The case of GBGPGS illustrates how complex such messages are by referring them to their French and global contexts. The group's violent struggle against political rules has a 'sacrificial' dimension and was justified as a response to 'crisis'. Through attempting to re-interpret French extreme-left traditions, the GBGPGS campaign foreshadowed Euro-terrorism. The most salient evidence of this shift was the group's concentration on economic globalization and the weakening of traditional state and great power structures.

Honour and Expulsion: Terrorism in Nineteenth-Century Japan by Andrew Silke

Case studies of terrorist groups from before 1900 are rare and only a handful have been fully detailed in the terrorism literature. This article describes one such group, the shishi, a radical samurai movement which waged a terrorist campaign in Japan just prior to the Meiji Restoration. Placed in context, the origin, structure and methods of this group are described. Also examined is the profound impact the movement had on Japanese society. It is argued that the study of older terrorist groups warrants greater interest and that a scientific understanding of terrorism depends on the incorporation of such early examples.

Combating Right-Wing Political Extremism in Israel: Critical Appraisal by Raphael Cohen-Almagor

The aim of this essay is to examine the decision to outlaw the 'Kach' and 'Kahane Is Alive' movements and to analyze some other measures the Israeli government has utilized in its struggle against political extremism. I argue that while the decision to outlaw the 'Kach' and 'Kahane Is Alive' movements was justified, resorting to administrative detentions at times which do not constitute real emergency is an utterly unethical and unjustified means in a democratic society. I further assert that Israel should make an exception to its Law of Return to the effect of excluding non-Israeli members of these two movements from society by denying them the right of obtaining citizenship. Israel would be justified in applying content-based reasoning to its decision of whether or not to grant citizenship to extreme elements who wish to settle on its soil.

Animal Rights and Violent Protest by Rachel Monaghan

The arguments for the better treatment of animals underwent a dramatic change in the 1970s with the publication of Peter Singer's Animal Liberation and the work of Tom Regan. These new works challenged the previous moral orthodoxy which had suffused the animal welfare/protection movement and espoused the view, in the case of Regan, that animals had rights or, according to Singer, that they should be granted 'equal consideration'. The 1970s also saw the emergence of new groups, such as the Animal Liberation Front (ALF), who were not only willing forcibly to free animals from laboratories, but also to employ violence in the fight against animal abuse. This article seeks to show that the appearance and development of such groups is related to the growth of the demand for animal rights/liberation at a philosophical level.

Research Notes:

Can the State Commit Acts of Terrorism?: An Opinion and Some Qualitative Replies to a Questionnaire by Peter Alan Sproat
Proceedings of the Irish Republican Army General Army Convention, December 1969 by John Horgan and Max. Taylor
Terrorism on the Internet: Discovering the Unsought by Avishag Gordon
Data Base Section: Violent Conflicts and Human Rights Violations in the mid-1990s by A P Schmid and A J Jongman

Book Reviews

News and Notes

Index to Volume 9

Abstracts of articles in Issue 9.3

The Provisional Irish Republican Army Command and Functional Structure by John Horgan and Max Taylor

The Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) has long been regarded as of one of the most highly organised and sophisticated terrorist groups the world has seen. The command and functional structure of this large, hierarchically-organised movement is outlined here. The adaptability of the PIRA is noteworthy as demonstrated through a major structural and functional reorganisation accentuated by external pressures. While the threat of PIRA terrorism continues, recommendations are emphasised for understanding and encouraging analyses of the command and functional structures of an organisation such as this.

Interpretations of Political Violence in Ethnically Divided Societies by Kathleen A Cavanaugh

This article challenges traditional interpretations of political violence in Northern Ireland. Based on a series of ethnographic studies undertaken in republican and loyalist communities in Belfast, Northern Ireland, I argue that it is the question of state legitimacy, not materialism, culture or religion, that is core to understanding the underpinnings and history of political violence in Northern Ireland. Research findings suggest that communal support for, and tolerance of paramilitary groups and their tactics are underpinned by security-related concerns, and a crisis of legitimacy which renders the state unable to claim a monopoly on the use of force. In contradistinction to counter-insurgency theorists, I argue that the basis for paramilitarism is not created by fear of reprisal or intimidation. Rather intra-communal fears of identity loss and threats (both perceived and real) from the outgroup have created a space for republicanism and loyalism in both its political and paramilitary forms.

On the Victims of Terrorism and their Innocence by Victor T Le Vine

Contrary to common usage, neither 'victims' nor their ' innocence' are necessary to the definition of the term 'terrorism'. Though the primary targets - as distinguished from audiences - of most terrorist actions are people, and if the aim of the terrorist is to sow unreasoning fear, then symbolically important non-human targets such as unmanned power sources, unoccupied government buildings and the like may serve the same purpose. Moreover given that victims are chosen for the shock value their death or injury may have, their 'innocence' (or even guilt) may be incidental or even irrelevant to the violence visited upon them. A definition of terrorism that focuses generically on its targets rather than on their qualities offers a more normatively neutral approach to the problem.

God and Country: Revolution as a Religious Imperative on the Radical Right by Eugene V Gallagher

This essay examines three different appeals to the legitimizing power of religion in the literature of the contemporary radical right. It focuses first on the interpretation of the Christian Bible in The Field Manual of the Free Militia, second on the more diffuse references to a new civil religion in William Pierre's two novels, Hunter and The Turner Diaries, and finally on the myths and rituals that are growing up around the date of April 19. In each instance, through the respective strategies of scriptural exegesis, fabrication of a civil religion, and adoption of myth and ritual as forms of expression, religion is used to provide a primary sanction for a violent resistance to the status quo. The essay argues that, far from being peripheral, in the examples discussed religion is central, because it is used to legitimize the seriousness and ultimacy of the revolutionary cause.

The American Radical Right's Leaderless Resistance by Jeffrey Kaplan

The 'leaderless resistance' concept has been a longstanding subject of internal debate in the American radical right. It emerged originally as a prescription for irregular warfare against invading 'communist troops' in the early 1960s. Turned against the American government rather than hostile foreign invaders, the tactic was employed by a few of the more committed members of the American radical right in the 1970s and early 1980s. The term became widely known with the publication of Louis R Beam's 'Leaderless Resistance' essay in 1992, only a few months before the bloody shootout between Christian Identity adherent Randy Weaver and federal agents and the Waco tragedy. This article follows the history of leaderless resistance from its inception to through its various permutations in the disparate ideological camps of the American radical right.

Islamikaze and their Significance by Raphael Israeli

This article dismisses the terminology of 'suicide-bombing' used to describe the acts of mass murdering committed by Muslim fundamentalists worldwide, posits the Japanese Kamikaze as a control group to depict the nature of this terrorism and coins the term of Islamikaze in consequence. This essay first pieces together the information about the places where these terrorists are trained, and then analyses the psychological and doctrinal make up of these groups and individuals, with an emphasis on the jihad and self-sacrifice that have taken root in certain Islamic traditions. This piece concludes with practical policy guidelines to be adopted by countries who confront this brand of terrorism.

Separate or Equal? The Emergence of an All-Female Group in Norway's Rightist Underground by Katrine Fangen

This paper discusses the importance of separate women's organizations in militant groups of the far right. The analysis suggests that the existence of a separate rightist women's group has not only enhanced the respect the members feel for themselves and each other, but has been successful in eliciting greater respect from their male counterparts, resulting in the women receiving greater responsibility in the organization. The paper is based on participant observations and on interviews with activists in the militant far-right underground in Norway; and assumes that the need for separate women's organizations in the rightist underground reflects a pre-existing dissatisfaction with conditions and opportunities for females in a highly male-dominated environment.

Women and the Extreme Right: A Comment by Martin Durham

Book Reviews

News and Notes