Abstracts of articles in Issue 3.2

Exporting Europeanization to the Wider Europe: The Twinning Exercise and Administrative Reform in the Candidate Countries and Beyond by Dimitris Papadimitriou and David Phinnemore

This article looks at the EU's efforts to assist administrative reform in Eastern Europe, with particular attention to the twinning exercise, conceptually linked to Europeanization. The article argues that much of the debate on Europeanization has focused predominantly on the way in which existing member states are being transformed as a result of their participation in EU structures. Yet the political importance attached to EU membership by the accession applicants, as well as EU's determination to ensure compliance with the acquis communautaire prior to entry, indicates that Europeanization is not only confined to existing EU member states, but can be exported outside the geographical borders of the EU. Against this background the article argues that extending the scope of the Europeanization thesis beyond existing members can not only help us understand better the process of transformation in Eastern Europe and the ongoing accession negotiations, but can also contribute towards the refinement of the term's rather blurred conceptual content.

Information in Southeast Europe: A Historical Perspective by Alain Servantie

This article examines the interaction between the development of communication technologies and infrastructure and political changes in southeast Europe and discusses whether there were real gaps between the development of new communication technologies in western and eastern Europe, and if so, why, where and how those gaps occurred. Marshall McLuhan posited a link between printing technology, the development of literacy in vernacular languages and the development of nationalist movements and national states in Europe. His hypothesis leads to the conclusion that printing a language freezes its bureaucratic-political forms, and political forces [in sociological terms a bourgeoisie] try to use the language as a tool to monopolize power over a certain territory. The expansion of new information technologies also brings with it new patterns of intercultural relations.

Information Society Strategies in the European Context: The Case of Greece by Nikos Leandros

This article sets out to analyze the policies adopted by the Greek government in its effort to accelerate the pace of reform towards a knowledge-based economy. These policies have to take into account the position that the country occupies within the emerging information society and, of course, the opportunities created by European Union initiatives that aim to promote economic competitiveness and reduce regional disparities. Within this framework Greek policy makers have recognized the need for a co-ordinated, coherent and integrated approach, which attempts to diminish inequalities both within the country and with respect to other EU economies. What emerges as a distinctive feature of the Greek information society strategy is the emphasis placed on the pivotal role of the state and the adoption of active interventionist policies.

From State-Controlled Media to the 'Anarchy' of the Internet: The Changing Influence of Communications and Information in Serbia in the 1990s by Christopher R. Tunnard

This article examines the role of information and communications in Serbia from 1987 through the downfall of Slobodan Miloevi in 2001. The main focus is on the unprecedented use and dramatic impact of the Internet, starting with the development of the non-violent resistance community in the mid-1990s. An annotated timeline illustrates the interrelationship between political events and media developments and is presented in three phases. The first is the government's campaign of fear mounted during its takeover of the media, starting in 1987. Next comes the period from 1990 through 1995, where opposition to the government develops, and independent print and broadcast outlets such as Radio B92 struggle to survive. The final period, 1996 through 2001, is dominated by the use of the Internet to organize resistance to, combat, and finally defeat government attempts to retain control and influence. Evidence suggests that this is due to the Internet's facilitation of the creation of communities of interest. Notwithstanding current electoral problems, there is potential for Serbia to use the Internet and other new information and communication technologies to modernize its government.

Institutional and Policy Diversity: Does it Matter for Economic Development? by Daniel Daianu

The last few decades have seen an overwhelming advance by the neo-liberal paradigm in terms of defining 'best practices' and spreading the gospel of its policies throughout the world, mainly through international financial institutions. However, this framework has been far from sufficient in enabling policy makers to deal with the complexity of development efforts in regions that are replete with asymmetries, market imperfections and precarious equilibria. The western Balkans is one case in point. This article argues that there is substantial scope for institutional and policy diversity to operate as a means of fostering economic development and that there might be paradigmatic cyclicity in the dynamic of economic policies.

The Relationship Between the Clan System and Other Institutions in Northern Albania by Brandon Doll

This article discusses the complexity within northern Albania with regard to the many legal and political systems that have existed over the years and the simple nature that is inherent within the customary law embodied in the Kanun over the same period.

Securitization of History and Geography: Understanding of Security in Turkey by Mustafa Aydin

Although Turkey possesses the second biggest army in NATO, it lives in a perennial 'insecurity complex'. It is a securitized country where 'security', in its wider definition, reigns supreme in societal and political development, and overrides most other considerations. In a sense, both the Republic of Turkey and Turkish society are historical creations of a very wide definition of security, which evolved from and is affected by historical experiences. Turkey's location, too, provides benefits and vulnerabilities at the same time. Finally, the preoccupation with security has much to do with the role played by the armed forces in the country's political tradition. Accordingly, this article reviews the historical and geopolitical contexts of Turkish security; the role of its armed forces and the effects of the systemic changes; and evaluates the changing security conceptualization in Turkey after the end of the Cold War.

Sharing Risks, Burdens and Benefits: American Foreign Policy in the Balkans in the 1990s by Robert M. Kokta

Review article - no abstract.

Book Reviews

Abstracts of articles in Issue 3.1

Prelims

Accounting for a Violent Past by Other than Legal Means by Eric Gordy

Considerable attention has been paid to legal aspects of responses to violations of international humanitarian law in the former Yugoslavia, but less attention has been given to cultural dimensions of this issue, which may be at least equally important. The present study follows aspects of the reception of guilt and responsibility in post-Milosevic Serbia, as expressed in public outlets for opinion and in recently published 'war diaries'. The typology of guilt and responsibility developed by Karl Jaspers is applied to clarify questions related to the issue. Some explanations are suggested both for the necessity of a wide-ranging public discourse on the issue and for the hesitancy of Serbian society to engage in this discourse.

Migration of Ethnic Greeks from the Former Soviet Union to Greece, 1990-2000: Policy Decisions and Implications by Panagoula Diamanti-Karanou

In the 1990s a flow of ethnic Greek immigrants from the former Soviet Union to Greece created several challenges for the Greek state, which attempted to assist in their settlement and social integration, and for the immigrants themselves, since their problems were increased upon their arrival. Language barriers, unemployment, lack of quality housing options and the overall lack of social integration continue to plague them as they lose faith in Greece and in themselves. The Greek state has introduced relevant policies but the lack of implementation of laws and projects has rendered the whole attempt ineffective. However, new policies could give these people hope for a prosperous future.

Fishery Mangement in the Black Sea: From Ignorance to Politics by Stale Knudsen

This article addresses the challenges that Black Sea fisheries confront, with a particular focus on the Turkish fisheries. The development and structure of the fisheries in the Turkish Black Sea region is briefly sketched. Managers and scientists in Turkey often hold that lack of awareness among fishermen is the main reason for the problems in the fisheries. Based on material from extended fieldwork and surveys particularly in the province of Trabzon, Turkey, this assertion is critically examined. It is argued that the focus should rather be directed at the socio-economic structure and politics of fishing, and the article closes with a discussion of potential mechanisms for restructuring the Turkish Black Sea fisheries.

Economic Transition in Southeast Europe by Milica Uvalic

The article examines some of the main features of the transition to a market economy in Southeast Europe (SEE). Since the early 1990s, a number of politically determined processes have had very negative economic implications for the whole SEE region, since many important economic reforms have been substantially delayed. Although the overall prospects have improved over the past few years, the SEE economies are still facing a number of internal constraints on growth and development, which in some countries are aggravated by externally-imposed reform agendas, aid-dependency and inappropriate international assistance policies. The article analyses macroeconomic performance of individual SEE countries in the 1990s, progress with institutional reforms, their development prospects, the role of FDI and European Union policies. Today, a key challenge for these countries is to carry forward the transition to a market economy and create sound conditions for self-sustainable economic growth, while at the same time preparing for future EU membership.

Banking on and in Southeast Europe: Financial Sector Reform amidst Regional Economic Volatility by Jens Bastian

This article departs from standard, mostly negative, assumptions about economic developments and financial sector prospects for Southeast Europe. It argues that considerable changes are taking place in terms of the transition of banking sectors, the privatization of financial institutions, and the centrality of attracting (Greek) foreign direct investment. The leading hypothesis is that apart from specific economic risk assessments associated with the region by domestic and foreign investors, a major obstacle rests in the observation that territorial arrangements are still in flux. However, regional economic performance cannot live up to its potential if and when there is ongoing conflict over which states exist, which area they cover and how they relate to one other.

Responding to a Challenge: Greece's New Policy Towards Israel by Ekavi Athanassopoulou

In response to the Israeli-Turkish strategic partnership of the 1990s Greece was driven closer than ever before to Israel. By the end of the 1990s it was clear that Athens had reached a turning point in its policy towards Israel. The PASOK government wished to maintain Greece's traditionally good relations with the Arabs. Nevertheless, it was ready to risk upsetting them in the pursuit of a good relationship with Israel. The promotion of relations with Jerusalem (underdeveloped for over 40 years), was understood to serve national policy goals. It was viewed as part of Greece's strategy towards Turkey (Greece's perennial adversary), as well as of its policy of full alignment with the US and its EU partners. Developments in the regional environment and the ability of the Greek government to respond to opportunities will determine whether Greek-Israeli relations could grow in substance.

A Scheme of Regional Co-operation in Southeast Europe by Franz-Lothar Altmann

The prevailing notion is that without regional co-operation in Southeast Europe neither political stabilization nor economic recovery of the whole region is imaginable. Individual Southeast European countries are members of different organizations, but those include Southeast Europe only as a part of their makeup. Most initiatives must be primarily seen as declarations of intent which in most cases always address the same areas of co-operation. Their realization and implementation, however, have so far encountered obvious obstacles. Impulses and concepts came in any case from outside of the region, as was the case with Italy for CEI, Turkey for BSEC, the European Union for CEFTA, and the USA for SECI. As an answer to the latent instability and susceptibility to crisis of the region the international community has most recently started a set of initiatives with the objective of containing hostilities and supporting possible forms of co-operation in Southeast Europe, with the prime example of the Stability Pact for Southeast Europe.

BOOK REVIEWS

Abstracts of articles in Issue 2.3

Sons of the Eagle: Clan Warfare, Organized Crime and State Disintegration in the Western Balkans by Georgi Tsekov

In the aftermath of the Cold War, the conflict in Kosovo and the western Balkans represents a major structural threat to the security and stability of southeastern Europe, judging from its impact on former Yugoslavia and the spillover effects in other sovereign states in the region. The driving force behind the Albanian insurgency - the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) is often given as an example of the most successful guerrilla movement in the modern history of Europe, having been able to achieve its objectives in a relatively short period of time. This article will attempt to address two equally important issues related to the KLA: why they fight and how they fight. The extensive research shows that by combining strategic and tactical rural guerrilla warfare capabilities, the KLA first managed to win the internal war in Serbia and later evolve into a suburban combat force in response to a changing external environment to achieve similar success in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). This flexibility has been primarily a result of its unique structure and organization, built on the traditional Albanian clan system and an idiosyncratic ideology, a combination of ethnonationalism and Marxism-Leninism.

Greece and the Balkans by John Koliopoulos

The UN Security Council Approach to the Conflicts in Former Yugoslavia by Vesselin Popovski

Macedonian Questions by Basil C. Gounaris

Despite many recent postmodernist approaches 'historicity' as a quality of state rights in the Balkans was not dismissed. Ethnicity, in its historic dimension, is still considered almost unanimously as the fundamental ingredient of any attempt to understand the Macedonian Question; be it for strengthening or for weakening state or minority arguments. I will argue instead that in reality the question of ethnic identities is only a convenient and fashionable diplomatic alibi. Behind Greek, Bulgarian, Serbian, Slav Macedonian 'rights' and the mobile 'rights' of their changing sponsors lay four separate 'Macedonian questions' These are (a) the protracted diplomacy of national independence and unification in the Balkans; (b) the national politics of geographical and economic 'unity'; (c) the cultural division of labour before and after 1912; (d) the side effects of state integration and modernization. This is not to deny ethnicity as a category in general, nor its importance as an argument in current politics. It is rather an attempt to show that this elusive term introduced in the 1960s does not fit in the Macedonian, not even in the Balkan past; unless we qualify in detail what particular features made the use of this term valid and when this happened.

Progress or Return? Collective Security, Humanitarian Intervention and the Kosovo Conflict by Aristotle Tziampiris

Jewish Socialism in Ottoman Salonica by Sukru Ilicak

The Decline of Ukrainian Agriculture by Matthew Gorton, Svetlana Chernyshova, Alexander Skripnik, Tatiana Vinichenko and John White

Despite its undoubted potential, agricultural production in Ukraine has almost halved since the break-up of the Soviet Union. The sector has been characterized by decapitalization, a fall in real profitability and growth in rural poverty. Ukrainian policy makers have faced a number of dilemmas regarding agricultural reform and how they have dealt with these challenges explains much of the performance of the sector. Three broad challenges are discussed in the article (improving farm efficiency, reorganizing the social functions of agricultural enterprises and implementing an appropriate model for governing state - agricultural relationships). It is argued that Ukraine has struggled to develop a consistent framework for governing the relationships between agricultural actors and the state. Agrarian nationalists and reform communists have united to resist attempts at radical decollectivization in parliament. Given this block, farm directors have been able to control the means of production as under the old system but with greater freedom to strike their own deals and enterprise development. With a production system caught between two models of agricultural-state relationships they have been able to retain the assets of the command economy but use them for market means. This system has acted to minimize foreign involvement and competition for physical assets.

Book Reviews

Mediation in the Yugoslav Wars. The Critical Years 1990-1995 by Saadia Touval

Kazakhstan: Unfulfilled Promise by Martha Brill Olcott

Human Rights as Politics and Idolatry by Michael Ignatieff

Documentation

OSCE, Kosovo/ Kosova As Seen, As Told. (Warsaw: OSCE/ ODIHR, 1999) by Panagiota Tritaki

Abstracts of articles in Issue 2.2

Ethnic Conflict in the Balkans and in the Caucasus: Some General Considerations by Michael Libal

The Politics of Order Building? Reviewing Western Policy in Kosovo and Southeast Europe by Kostas Ifantis

The Kosovo conflict revived Southeast Europe's traditional reputation as a region of intractable ethnic conflicts, failing states and reform deficits. The post-war challenge is to speed up the consolidation of security and stability in a region that has known little of either in the last decade. This article examines the policy failures of the West in the Kosovo crisis; the impact on and the reactions of the Southeast European states to the Western strategies and the economic and political aspects of the EU's post-war strategy in the region. Also, the necessary preconditions as well as the impediments to the development and successful implementation of a working regional approach to the problems in the Balkans are discussed.

The Problem of Forced Displacements of National Minorities: Prospects for Return by Marion Hoffmann

Trafficking in Women and Children as a Security Challenge in Southeastern Europe by Lynellyn D Long

With the advent of free market systems in Southeast Europe, the free flow of labour is a necessary precondition for economic growth and revitalization of depressed economies. Trafficking and human smuggling, as two extreme forms of labour migration, are therefore on the rise. This article develops a conceptual framework of these phenomena, outlines humanitarian responses to trafficking in Southeast Europe, and argues for structural reforms to address the underlying conditions leading to forced labour migration and enslavement. Specific interventions proposed are: (1) developing legal migration regimes; (2) ensuring social safety nets; and (3) countering public corruption of government officials.

The Limits of Europeanization: Hegemony and Its Misuse in the Political Field of Bulgaria by Gergana Dimitrova

This article analyses the use of the Europeanization discourse in Bulgaria. The emergence and the changing importance of political discourses are best understood by focusing on the dynamic interactions within the political field. In the period before 1997 the peculiar structure of Bulgaria's political field prevented the Europeanization project from becoming dominant. The political crisis in 1997 led to a notable realignment in the field, which allowed the Europeanization paradigm to attain a hegemonic position. The adverse developments in the economic realm, however, engender suspicion and apprehension within the public sphere and provoke fears of 'Balkanization'. The article argues that the public sphere constrains profligate resort to the Europeanization discourse and will modify its content and permissible usage.

The Romanian Utopia: The Role of the Intelligentsia in the Communist Implementation of a New Human Paradigm by Brindusa Palade

This article outlines the formation of the Utopia of Romanian nationalist discourse during the late socialist period (1957-89), after the political and diplomatic separation from the Soviet internationalist line had become apparent. It interprets this Utopia as an ideological construct, which was not only created by the regime in power, but also by most intellectuals who were converted by the Party-state into symbolic supporters of national communism, by means of power relationships and other devices. The kind of Utopia the article refers to (an ideological fiction whose 'lens' distorts or even obscures any realistic representation) was suitable to be invented by intellectuals because they often use a self-referential discourse, and are thus accustomed to the practice of separating thought from the real world. Once directed to the ideological reshaping of cultural identity around national symbols, this intellectual framework became instrumental in preventing the rise of oppositional forces and implicitly enabled the communist party to retain power for a long period.

The Western Balkans in World Trade by Constantine Michalopoulos

The integration of Albania, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the world trading system has been retarded by regional conflict. But recent progress in stabilization and democratization has been accompanied by closer ties with the European Union, membership for some countries in the World Trade Organization and increasing trade links within the region. The Greek economy has benefited significantly from these developments and stands to gain even more in the future; but much remains to be done in accelerating market-orientated reforms and in strengthening these countries' trade-related institutions and infrastructure, for which external assistance is needed.

Energy Security in the Black Sea Region: Economic Interdependence or Commercial and Political Rivalry? by Gareth M Winrow

For both commercial and geopolitical reasons Russia, a key energy producer, has been determined to preserve as much control as possible over the transportation of Caspian oil and gas to the European market. However, alternative energy export routes across the Black Sea region may be used. Black Sea states, though, are also major consumers of Russian energy. Given the intricate nature of pipeline politics, neither a mercantilist nor liberal perspective (that is, Great Game or multiple pipeline scenarios) fully accounts for current realities. Relations between Black Sea states based on mutually beneficial economic ties interconnect with another set of dynamics grounded on commercial rivalry and geopolitical competition.

Meeting Challenges Energetically: Networking Oil and Gas in the Black Sea Region by Friedemann Mller

This article describes the Black Sea region as the hub of a future energy transportation network linking the producer region of the Caspian Sea with Europe. In spite of the political game about pipeline routes it is economically obvious that Europe is the natural market for Caspian energy. This is particularly true for the neglected natural gas sector, where this link is the only economically viable solution. While the network infrastructure could be provided by private investors the political problems of governance (rule of law) and conflict constellations are still unsolved. The region needs to give major attention to a political framework that enables it to enter global competition.

Book Reviews

The Southern Balkans: Perspectives from the Region by Dimitrios Triantaphyllou

Ourselves and Others: The Development of a Greek Macedonian Cultural Identity since 1912 by Peter Mackridge and Eleni Yannakakis

Jugoslawiens Erben: Die neuen Staaten und die Politik des Westens (Yugoslavia's Inheritors. The New States and the Politics of the West) by Victor Meier

Documentation:

French Sources on Yugoslav Wars, 1991-99 by Ambrosio Nsingui-Barros

Abstracts of articles in Issue 2.1

Is Southeastern Europe Doomed to Instability? A Regional Perspective by Dimitri A Sotiropoulos and Thanos Veremis

The purpose of this volume is to offer local perspectives on Southeastern Europe, written by experts coming from this region, who aim to show that instability is not endemic in post-communist Southeastern Europe. The analysis tries to focus on the interplay of regional and international actors. At the regional level some enduring common traits, shared by post-communist states, are highlighted. These include: first, structural problems in the economy and society, as well as inflexible perceptions of identity which are the legacy of the region's past; second, difficulties in shaping new policies in view of the fact that the state mechanisms of Southeast European countries are weak; third, multiple social problems, aggravating the situation in the form of a negative spiral, because of the different phases of transition that the countries of SEE go through; and fourth, in view of the above, a crisis of legitimacy faced by states in the region as they try to deal with strife, underdevelopment and criminal networks. The West has underestimated the long-term dangers of structural economic underdevelopment and changes of borders in Southeastern Europe. The Stability Pact has been the major response of the West to the challenges facing the region but its assets have been inadequate.

The Bright Side of Balkan Politics: Cooperation in the Balkans by Ule Kut and N Asli Irin

Despite the legacy of Balkan Wars early in the twentieth century and some deeply conflictual relations in the Balkans, examples of cooperation have not been scarce in the region. Cooperation efforts started in 1930 and continued in the 1950s and the 1960s. However, post-war attempts at cooperation failed mostly due to the Cold War environment, which set apart Greece and Turkey on the other hand and their Balkan neighbours on the other. Such efforts were revived in the late 1980s, while in the 1990s the Yugoslav conflicts delayed cooperation initiatives but also proved their necessity. Without denying the existence of disputes, most Balkan states have managed to develop their bilateral relations and to participate in regional cooperation schemes. In the 1990s Balkan countries have been involved in a number of initiatives, which can be classified in three categories: first, mostly economic cooperation schemes; second, political cooperation schemes; and third, military cooperation schemes. From 1996 to 1998, multilateral meetings of Balkan leaders took place. Currently, several schemes, initiated by the EU and the US, are still under way. The further success of cooperation schemes will depend on the full commitment of interested parties, on the non-exclusionary character of the schemes, and on good management of financial resources.

Integrating Southeastern Europe into the European Mainstream by Irina Bokova

In the past, the response of the West to the challenges of Southeastern Europe was a response of neglect or of contradictory signals. Today, the greatest challenge is the integration of SEE into the European mainstream. First, there is a need to extend the European democratic space, with its liberal standards and procedures, into SEE. In this region there is a lack of institutions, rule of law and competitive economies. In SEE, after the fall of communism, the 'withdrawal' of the state was negotiated in favour of a number of groups which exist between the public and private spheres. Second, in terms of economic reforms, SEE countries need to combine strategies of integration into the EU with strategies of national development. However, it is difficult to count on endogenous factors to promote development. The Balkans need a new type of 'Marshall Plan'. They do not need new divisions, such as the division into 'Western' and 'Eastern' Balkans. However, most SEE countries are far from satisfying the Copenhagen criteria for economic competitiveness. To amend the situation, the Stability Pact and the EU integration effort should go hand in hand.

Civil Society and Multilateral Cooperative Models: The Role of Non-Governmental Organizations in the Stability Pact for Southeastern Europe by Haralambos Kondonis

It has taken the international community some time to realize that for the economic reform and democratization of Southeastern Europe to succeed, different social actors in addition to governments must be involved. The Stability Pact was the result of the realization that economic development must be linked to a parallel democratic transition of society. Many non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in SEE are connected with government officials or with powerful international sponsors. Local NGOs look for such sponsors and, consequently, regional cooperation of civil society associations remains limited. The mobilization of NGOs is encouraged through the first Working Table of the Stability Pact. However, the implementation of the Pact in that particular field has met with problems. There is multi-collectivism, that is, too many members and partners, and this is reflected in a complex bureaucratic structure. There are conflicting interests and priorities and a lack of coordination. Member-states of the Pact have been reluctant to staff and financially support the Pact. SEE States have been reluctant to cooperate with NGOs. Stability Pact projects have been approachable by a few NGOs and private companies. There is a need for direct action and political will to exploit the many positive aspects of the Stability Pact. Specific criteria for projects, such as 'added value' and 'regional transferability', may be applied with success and a more clear 'priority agenda' has to be set.

From an Omnipresent and Strong to a Big and Weak State: Democratization and State Reform in Southeastern Europe by Dimitri A Sotiropoulos

Traditionally, before the advent of socialist regimes, the state in Southeastern Europe was overpowering and distant, that is, aloof from the demands of certain social strata and social categories. Under socialism, the state became omnipresent, regulating many aspects of the life of its citizens, and thus ceased to be distant. After 1989, the state in SEE has remained big and has become weak. It has been unable to counter organized crime and to provide better services to the people. A few small case studies illustrate these claims. The Bulgarian public administration used to be very politicized even before the rise of the Communist Party to power. Since the transition to democracy, administrative reform has been very slow, while extreme politicization has continued. However, in the late 1990s new laws reorganizing the administration were passed. The case of Yugoslavia is different, particularly since this is a federal state. Under Milosevic, the administration as a whole became very rigid and, in many instances, corrupted. Kosovo has been administered partly by the local government and partly by UNMIK. The cases of Bulgaria, Yugoslavia and Kosovo share some common traits, related to the problematic selection, compensation and training of civil servants. Administrative reform should primarily address the issue of corruption and should also be linked to the strengthening of democratic institutions, including the access of citizens to state services.

The Difficult Road to the Independent Media: Is the Post-Communist Transition Over? by Remzi Lani and Frrok Cupi

In most countries of Southeastern Europe, the transition to democracy has gone through a phase of a New Authoritarianism. Such new authoritarian regimes were largely based on control of mass media (for example, Serbia under Milosevic). Currently, there is consensus that regulation of print media would probably lead to censorship. On the other hand, most Southeast European countries have passed legislation on TV and radio broadcasting. A fair balance between necessary regulations and the freedom of the media has not yet been achieved. Some political leaders of post-communist Southeastern Europe are not open to accept intense criticism from the media. Some react strongly to criticism, while others have adopted a stance of indifference towards the media, which means that opinions voiced in and by the media are ineffective. Some mass media are controlled by political groups, while other media have succumbed to economic interests. Since the transition from communism, partisan politics has penetrated the media, which have also been affected by economic difficulties and corruption. During the disintegration of Yugoslavia many media have promoted nationalist causes and have fuelled conflict. In the emerging democracies of Southeastern Europe, the spread of a free press can be considered a major achievement; at the same time the image of the press in society is rather negative. There is a need for economic independence of the media and for the training of journalists. Support for reform of the media and for adoption of a code of ethics among journalists is highly recommended.

Rewriting School Textbooks as a Tool of Understanding and Stability by Mirela-Luminia Murgescu

Despite common impressions, education systems and problems of identity formation in Southeastern Europe are far from homogeneous. The contents of school textbooks of geography and history are closely linked to the formation of national identities of Balkan peoples. But textbooks are not solely to blame for the spread of violent ethnic conflict. Mass media and the public discourse in general should also be taken into account. In view of the above, there are three categories of Southeast European states. The first category consists of states which have existed for several generations (Albania, Bulgaria, Greece, Romania and Turkey). Although violent conflicts have not erupted recently among these nation-states, textbooks used in their educational systems reflect a biased vision of the past. An even more biased vision is found in textbooks of a second category of states, which emerged from the disintegration of former Yugoslavia. None of these states seems prepared to offer a more balanced view of history. The third category consists of territories under the control of Western administration and military (Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo). In these areas, values taught to pupils are at odds with ideas of reconciliation. There are possibilities for improving on textbooks and school curricula. An example is the EUSTORY network of history competitions for young people. Such specific efforts may be combined with support schemes for the educational systems in general and with training programmes in other subjects, beyond history and geography.

Corruption and Organized Crime in Southeastern Europe: A Paradigm of Social Change Revisited by Ognyan Minchev

A major problem of the transition to democracy and the market in Southeast European countries is how these countries will adapt their institutions to the European model. The lack of foreign investment and a coherent legal framework have had the following effect: privatizations have been sidetracked into a route leading to a very large underground economy. This economy has fallen into the hands of members of the former nomenclature. Government failure and loss of public morale are related to the spread of corruption, particularly since corruption has become a normal way of operation for private interests. In turn, people in SEE societies have fallen back to pre-modern forms of security (family or clan-based forms). Post-communist elites have mistakenly believed in the power of the 'invisible hand' of the market and the beneficial effects of 'civil society' and have not created adequate institutions to replace the dismantled totalitarian system. The way out is to change the abstract 'democratization' paradigm with the paradigm of development of effective representative and administrative institutions and of adaptation to the globalizing and multicultural world.

How to Control Corruption in Southeastern Europe: The Case of Bulgaria by Ivan Krastev

In Southeastern Europe there is a general perception of public administration incompetence and insecurity. A relevant case is that of Bulgaria, where there is a dilemma of fighting corruption or promoting economic reform. Attempting the former in the traditional fashion of increasing administrative controls would require too many resources which are necessary for economic reform. Corruption is impossible to measure because the scope of the concept has changed over time, because it is rarely confirmed as such in the courts, and because there are no specific victims of corruption. In Bulgaria the probability of sentencing a corrupted official to a term in prison is almost nil. Anti-corruption measures, such as tightening institutional controls or offering pay increases to officials, do not work. Anti-corruption measures often lead to more state regulation and may also fuel populism as a strategy of political leaders. The Bulgarian government should proceed with deregulation and de-monopolization as well as with raising public awareness about corruption.

Southeastern Europe and European Security Architecture by Radovan Vukadinovic

Traditionally the Balkans had no geopolitical centre of their own. Balkan states gravitated towards great powers outside their own geopolitical space. After the end of the Cold War, the disintegration of Yugoslavia, along with the preceding dissolution of the Warsaw Pact, created a security vacuum in the Balkans. Due to wars in former Yugoslavia and to the problems of transition in the region as a whole, the international geo-economic interest in the Balkans has decreased. The incorporation of SEE into a wider security architecture is necessary in order to avert military and non-military threats to the region's stability. 'Security architecture' is a concept meaning a set of institutions which fulfill a security function and the arrangement of relations among those institutions. The international community has a sufficient military presence and interest in SEE. Non-military challenges are more difficult to meet. Among the latter, traditional Balkan disputes, new conflicts related to recently acquired national independence, potential points of crisis, and new challenges to security, are included. After the future normalization of relations among SEE countries the current situation of 'unstable stability' could be overcome. One could envisage the inclusion of the SEE region as a whole into a new European Security Architecture.

The Albanian Question in the Aftermath of the War: A Proposal to Break the Status Deadlock by Evangelos Kofos

The NATO intervention in Kosovo in 1999 resolved some problems but also fuelled wider Albanian nationalist aspirations. Albanian nationalist movements have spread outside the borders of the Albanian state, in Presevo and Tetovo, throughout 2001. There have been attempts to coordinate the cultural and economic integration of Albanian groups in an 'Albanian Space' in Southeastern Europe. There has also been an escalation of the domestic conflicts in FYROM. Albanian mobilization in all those areas may be attributed to the continuing nebulous international status of Kosovo. As long as the status of Kosovo remains unclear, other Albanian groups outside of Kosovo may increase their demands and escalate their political and military activities. In view of the above, placing Kosovo under the temporal 'trusteeship' of the United Nations could be a solution. This solution was applied after the Second World War to various colonies and territories formerly belonging to Western powers. The new status of Kosovo as a territory under United Nations trusteeship requires that FR Yugoslavia voluntarily agrees to this interim status and that one or more countries, perhaps including Yugoslavia, would constitute an Administering Authority to govern Kosovo while it prepares for self-government or independence.

The International Presence in Kosovo and Regional Security: The Deep Winter of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 by Alexandros Yannis

Despite the fall of Milosevic in FR Yugoslavia and the victory of moderate political forces in the municipal and national elections in Kosovo, the situation in that area remains precarious. The representatives of the international community stationed in Kosovo enjoy today greater legitimacy among the Kosovar Albanian and Serbian communities than in the past. For the time being, the status of Kosovo may be 'frozen' because there is an absence of international and local consensus about its future. The more rigorous implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 could prevent Kosovo from sliding back to open conflict. Democratic elections alone cannot solve the problem. There is a need for a road map to meet the minimum demands of Kosovo Albanians and Serbs. However, it would be dangerous to meet the maximum demands of either. To that effect, a new 'agenda of coexisence' could be adopted which could ensure the functional autonomy of Serbs within the substantial autonomy of Albanians. There is also need for a long-term commitment of the international community to the development of the region. This does not necessary mean the indefinite perpetuation of international military presence or undiminished financial aid, but substantive assistance to build effective democratic institutions. The democratic change in Serbia in 2000 and the victory of moderate political forces in the elections in Kosovo have opened a window of opportunity.

Ten Concepts That Will Define the Future of Kosovo (A Personal Note) by Veton Surroi

The events of 1999 showed that a reversal of political domination in Kosovo was possible. The decline of Serb rule over Kosovo is irreversible. All this has amounted to a revolution. However, there has been a lack of law and order. The feeling of liberation, sensed by Kosovo Albanians, has not been accompanied by a clearly determined future. This future of Kosovo has been linked with two other processes, the ongoing disintegration of Yugoslavia and the process of European integration. Kosovo is undergoing three transitions: first, the transition from communism to democracy; second, the transition from minority to majority rule (from rule of Serbs over Albanians to self-rule of Albanians); and third, the transition from a multi-ethnic region to nation-state. Resolution 1244 implies a process, the endpoint of which will be that Kosovo becomes a state. Differences of opinion exist on the degree of sovereignty this state will have. The Albanian national movement has traditionally sprung up in different locations. It is a 'polycentric' movement, which may influence thinking over the future of Kosovo. Kosovo may be a unit with more flexible and permeable borders than typical ethnocentric nation-states. All of the above can decided upon in a two-step process. The first step would be to establish democratic self-rule in Kosovo, while the second step would be to reach a decision on its permanent status.

Yugoslavia at the Crossroads: Reforms or Disintegration? by Predrag Simic

In 2000 the drama of former Yugoslavia ended, but several problems remained unsolved. First, a crisis has been provoked by Albanian extremists who have been active in Kosovo, Macedonia and southern Serbia; and second, the relations between Serbia and Montenegro remain unclear. The two problems have a common dynamic and one may influence the other. Since October 1997, there has been a 'cold war' between Podgorica and Belgrade, but open conflict has not erupted. Under Milosevic, repression by authorities in Belgrade has worked in favour of authorities in Podgorica. After the victory of democratic forces in Belgrade, periodic negotiations have taken place between Serbia and Montenegro. In southern Serbia the new Belgrade administration was able to contain the activities of the Albanian UCPBM and the Yugoslav army has cooperated with NATO in the Ground Safety Zone. In Bosnia, six years after the Dayton Peace Agreement, the joint organs remain weak while the international administration has obtained more competencies. In Kosovo, UNMIK and NATO have not confronted the remaining vestiges of UCK and have been unable to stop violence at the local level. The situation in Kosovo remains a long-term source of threats to regional security. Conversely, the break-up of the Yugoslav Federation might cause an escalation of the Kosovo crisis.

Greece and FYROM: A Partnership for Stability in Southeastern Europe? by Aristotle Tziampiris

In the past, relations between FYROM and Greece were problematic, but nowadays FYROM and Greece have an interest in maintaining good bilateral relations. FYROM has faced a difficult economic situation, which was aggravated by the economic burden of the Kosovo conflict in 1999. It has also faced challenges to its territorial integrity. Ethnic co-existence in FYROM remains a problem, because the views of the country's national majority and its Albanian minority diverge. Fortunately there has been an economic and diplomatic rapprochement between Greece and FYROM. It is important to secure FYROM's territorial integrity, an aim which can be achieved through the involvement of Greece, the European Union and major international organizations.

An Update and Conclusions by Dimitri A Sotiropoulos and Thanos Veremis

The events of 11 September 2001 have shifted the attention of the international community away from Southeastern Europe. However, this region continues developing in various directions, some of which are positive (the elections in Kosovo and the victory of moderate political forces) while others are ambiguous (the dispute between Fatos Nano and Ilir Meta in Albania and the resignation of Prime Minister Ilir Meta in the beginning of 2002), if not clearly detrimental to peace and development (violent conflicts in FYROM in spring and summer 2001). The economies of the region remain undeveloped, and the biggest problems are unemployment and lack of foreign investments. The West has not set a clear set of priorities in regard to the economic future of the region. The Stability Pact remains a complex set of processes although it bears a lot of potential to deliver substantive help to SEE. The quality of democracies in the region is very debatable. Despite holding regular elections, many SEE countries still do not possess effective democratic and administrative institutions. This is related to flourishing corruption and organized crime. Possible solutions lie in a combination of regional and international initiatives, in which individual SEE countries and the international community will act together. On the side of the international community, there is a need for concrete actions in the context of a long-term commitment to the region. This will require political will on the part of important Western powers, and more concerted and coordinated efforts on the part of involved international organizations. On the side of individual SEE countries, there is a need for the mobilization of their own economic and human resources and a willingness to build institutions and processes which will allow these countries to adapt to the requirements of political and economic integration with Europe. This prospect allows the optimistic conclusion that Southeastern Europe is not doomed to instability.

Abstracts of articles in Issue 1.3

Turkey: Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow by Metin Heper

Until recently, although they did not subscribe to political Islam, religiously-oriented political parties in Turkey were closed down because their leaders could not prevent some militant members from making statements provocative to the secular and democratic regime in that country. Turkey has had a cultural-cum-civic nationalism; consequently, even Turkey's long-standing Kurdish problem, which in recent years has been brought under control, did not give rise to ethnic nationalism. Nonetheless, the military, which in the post-1960 period has intervened in politics several times, has continued to perceive political Islam and the ethnic question as critical threats for Turkey. Here the generally inept performance of political actors was a major contributory factor. On the eve of the twenty-first century, however, Turkey has begun to be governed by a stable and effective coalition government that has enabled the Turks to look into the future with greater optimism.

Kemalism, Islamism and Globalization: A Study on the Focus of Supreme Loyality in Globalizing Turkey by Baskin Oran

This article deals with the loyalty question in modern Turkey, studying, from this point of view, the relations between nationalism, Islamism and globalization since the foundation of the Republic in 1923. 'Loyalty in the post-national state' is a fairly new subject of discussion. Therefore, this article will first of all take a brief glance at some processes and general concepts and will also put forward some hypotheses.

Human Rights and Democratization: Turkish Politics in the European Context by Ihsan Dagi

The changing and challenging international normative and political environments constitute a significant constraint on national governments in their domestic human rights policy as well as foreign affairs. The European context, with its constraints, concerns and attempts to influence, has put considerable pressure on Turkish governments since the 1980 military coup. In this context, the issues of democracy and human rights have posed a threat to Turkey's foreign policy options and the maintenance of its Western linkages. Having had deep-rooted political, ideological, economic and defence linkages with the West, Turkey became vulnerable and responsible to Western influence exercised to improve democratic institutions and to protest and promote human rights.

European Security after the Kosovo Crisis: the Role of Russia by Nadia Alexandrova Arbatova

The international crisis around Kosovo resulting from NATO's military intervention in Yugoslavia should be regarded as a watershed in the post-Cold War international relations, since it drastically affected Russia's relations with the West, and particularly with NATO and the US. It can also be viewed as the culmination and logical conclusion of the over-ripe Russian-Western contradictions in the field of security, and the growing gap between Russian and Western threat perceptions. This crisis entailed dramatic consequences for Russia's domestic development, having reinforced anti-Western feeling and nostalgia about a 'strong hand' which would reinstate Russia's international prestige. The future of European security will depend on the post-Kosovo relationship that emerges between Russia, the US and Europe.

The EU's Strategy in the Post-Communist Balkans by Dimistris Paradimitrious.

This article traces the development of the EU's relations with the post-Communist Balkans prior to and after the outbreak of the war in Kosovo. It provides a critical assessment of both the economic and political aspects of the EU's strategy in the region.; the consistency with which the EU's conditionality principle was applied in the Balkans; the effectiveness of such a principle in promoting reform in the region and its compatibility with the main features of the Balkan crisis; as well as the willingness of the EU member states to subordinate their national agendas under the EU strategy in the region and to provide the necessary financial resources in order to substantiate such a strategy.

0 Russia and the Conflicts in the Former Yugoslavia by Predrag Simic

Moscow's efforts to redefine its national interests and relations with the West in the post-Cold War era has directed the country's stance towards the conflicts in former Yugoslavia. Russia's intention to present itself as an influential power in the international efforts to manage the crisis following the dissolution of Yugoslavia largely explains Moscow's frequently contradictory stances, not only to towards the wars in Bosnia and Kosovo, but also in its intention to play the role of an effective mediator in the region. At the same time, Russia's strategic concern to sustain its international standing and influence through its membership in international organizations, such as the UN and OSCE, has rendered Moscow as the state that considers the weakening of those organizations as one of its external security threats.

A Stability Pact for the Caucasus in Theory and Practice - A Supplementary Note by Michael Emerson, Nathalie Tocci and Elena Prokhorova

In response to appeals from the leaders of the south Caucasus for a stability pact for the region, CEPS published in May 2000 a consultative document with a comprehensive proposal (available on www.ceps.be). Subsequently, the authors have held extensive consultations with the leaders in all three states of the south Caucasus, and in four of the key autonomies (Nagorno-Karabakh, Abkhazia, Adjaria, Ossetia). The present paper draws together the information and ideas collected during these consultations, although the conclusions are only attributable to the authors. The main argument of the original document is maintained, and strengthened with more precise views on how the conflicts might be solved within the framework of a stability pact. However, the proposed stability pact process could be more than just an approach to conflict resolution. It has systematic or even constitutional aspects, with elements to overcome the transitional problems of the weak state and ease the confrontations of traditional notions such as independence versus territorial integrity, or the choice between federation and confederation, which are part of the present impasse. Particular consideration is given to how a Caucasus stability pact could serve the interests of Russia as the region's key player, together with enchanced cooperation with the EU over a 'southern dimension' concept.

The Geopolitics of the Black Sea Region by George Prevelakis

The fate of populations living around the Black Sea is related to the crossroads situation, to political fragmentation and to the struggle of outside powers for zones of influence. Those elements have been combined in different ways; times of stability and prosperity have been succeeded by periods of war and destruction and vice versa. After the stability of the Cold War, geopolitical problems are threatening again this region; however, new opportunities appear as well. The BSEC can contribute to progress by reinforcing networks, by promoting globalized strategies and by developing an image of the Black Sea Region as a geo-cultural and geo-economic entity.

Crossroads and Conflict: Security and Foreign Influences in the Caucasus: An Azeri Perspective by Elkhan E Nuriyev

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, regional conflicts in the Caucasus have threatened to deny Western access to the vital oil and gas reserves the world will need in the twenty-first century. At times, these violent conflicts have blocked the transit routes to the West for Caspian and Central Asian oil and gas. Consequently, current conflicts in the Caucasus are affecting oil politics and transit routes to the world market. Futhermore, ethnic tensions and complex conflicts have elevated any other security threats lurking on the horizon. Long-term stability in the Caucasus is, hence, crucial not only to nation-building efforts, but also to regional and international security.

BSEC: A New Agenda '21? by George Pirinski

The need for rethinking the objectives and policies of an organization such as the BSEC may provide a window of opportunity for BSEC to evolve into significantly important factor for the stability and development of countries in the Black Sea area. An enlightened new approach should focus on four priority lines of action: emergency measures, market access, direct investment and technology transfer. In addition, a 'soft' security role via, for example, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), can be incorporated into the purposes of BSEC in order to create a beneficial region to the credit of all.

Review Essays: The Macedonian Question as Linguistic Struggle: The Case of Greece by Aistotle Tziampiris

Balkan Memoirs: History as an Exercise of Self-Justification by Suzanne Lee

Book Reviews

Abstracts of articles in Issue 1.2

Turkey, Central Asia and the Causasus: Ten Years After Independence by Shireen Hunter

Think Tanks: Making and Faking Influence by Ivan Krastev

The think tank explosion is a remarkable feature of the reform decade in Central and Eastern Europe. The birth rate of independent policy research institutes in post-Communist countries is higher than in most other places in the world. Their media visibility is impressive. Their charm is irresistible. The number of studies on their ideas and influence is growing, and there is a general feeling that post-Communist think tanks are a powerful illustration of the critical link between democracy and development. A journey through the Web pages of Central and East European public policy institutes gives the impression that papers and conference reports produced by independent researchers are valuable fragments of the inside story of the transformation of the Communist system. In the virtual reality of the Web, think tanks appear serious, influential and knowledgeable. But are post-Communist think tanks influential in the non-virtual world? Who are they and what are the sources and limits of their influence?

The Threat of Organised Crime in the Balkans by Alessandro Politi

The analysis of a region critical for the future of European stability and development must integrate all security-relevant data, whether military, economic or political, or related to transnational risks and threats. Otherwise, strategic analysis and political action will proceed on incoherent paths, ensuring that the efforts of the international community will be far less effective than desired. Drawing on previous research, this article will try to shed more light on the effects that two major transnational security threats have on Southeastern Europe (SEE): transnational organized crime and drug trafficking. They must be considered jointly, since drug production and smuggling networks coexist with criminal organizations, exerting a crime multiplier for them and for militias, guerrillas and terrorists.

European Security after the Kosovo Crisis: the Role of Russia by Nadia Alexandrova Arbatova

The international crisis around Kosovo resulting from NATO's military intervention in Yugoslavia should be regarded as a watershed in the post-Cold War international relations, since it drastically affected Russia's relations with the West, and particularly with NATO and the US. It can also be viewed as the culmination and logical conclusion of the over-ripe Russian-Western contradictions in the field of security, and the growing gap between Russian and Western threat perceptions. This crisis entailed dramatic consequences for Russia's domestic development, having reinforced anti-Western feeling and nostalgia about a 'strong hand' which would reinstate Russia's international prestige. The future of European security will depend on the post-Kosovo relationship that emerges between Russia, the US and Europe.

Concerted Action for Sustainable Development to Enhance Peace, Stability and Prosperity in the Black Sea Region by Oleksandr Pavliuk

Subregional Cooperation and the OSCE by Monika Wohlfeld

Southeastern Europe and the European Union by Fraser Cameron and Andreas Kintis

The overriding concern of the European Union is to ensure peace, stability and economic progress in Southeastern Europe. To achieve these aims the EU has invested enormous resources, established the Stability Pact and proposed a number of Stability and Association Agreements for the countries of the region. These agreements are dependent upon the progress each individual country makes towards the conditionality criteria established under the Dayton Agreements. These include democracy, respect for human rights, minority rights, moves towards a market economy and willingness to engage in regional cooperation. This process may be viewed against the background of the EU's enlargement process involving Slovenia, Bulgaria, Romania and Turkey. The prospect of eventual EU membership is the most important motive for all countries in the region.

The End of History - American Views on the Balkans by Thanos Veremis

The US is dedicated to multiculturalism though its own multiethnic society is dominated by a single political culture based on wide domestic consensus: the culture of Lockean liberalism. American military intervention inn the Western Balkans foundered on the reluctance of the native ethnicities to live together in peace. US activism unwittingly facilitated ethnically pure micro-protectorates instead of multiethnic democratic federations after its own image. Americans perceived the end of history as occurring at the end of the eighteenth century and then again with the conclusion of the Civil War. They expected it to happen at the close of the twentieth century for the rest of the world.

Eurasian Oil and Gas Routes in the Twenty-First Century by M L Myrianthis

World oil demand is considered by region for the period 1993-2010. A future tilt in oil supply routes is predicted, with Southeast and East European axes likely to be diverted to the upcoming hypermarkets - China and India, as well as Korea and eventually Japan. Oil and gas transportation areas are linked to potential conflict areas, notably the Trans-Caucasus. Security considerations vis--vis Eurasian hydrocarbon corridors stress the need for a credible security mechanism safeguarding uninterrupted energy supply.

Book Reviews

The Balkans, 1804-1999: Nationalism, War and the Great Powers by Misha Glenny
A History of the Balkans, 1804-1945 by Stevan K Pavlowitch
Turkey Before and After Atatrk: Internal and External Affairsedited by Sylvia Kedourie
The New Military Humanism: Lessons from Kosovo by Noam Chomsky
Kosovo: American Ideals Meet Reality on the Balkan Battlefieldsby David Fromkin
Kosovo: War and Revengeby Tim Judah
Kosovo: How Myths and Truths Started a War by Julie A Mertus
Kosovo and the Albanian Dimension in Southeastern Europe: The Need for Regional Security and Conflict Prevention edited by Thomas M. Veremis and Dimitrios Triantaphyllou
Yugoslavia as History: Twice There was a Country by John R.Lampe
The New Macedonian Questionedited by James Pettifer
The Politics of Duplicity: Controlling Reproduction in Ceausescu's Romania by Gail Kligman
Noellinikos Diaphotismos. Oi politikes kai koinonikes idees (Greek Enlightenment. Political and Social Ideas) by Paschalis M. Kitromilides

Documents:

Presidency Conclusions, Santa Maria de Feira, European Council, 19-20 June 2000
Agreement between the Hellenic Republic and the Republic of Turkey on Cooperation of the Ministry of Public Order of the Hellenic Republic and the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Turkey on Combating Crime, Especially Terrorism, Organized Crime, Illicit Drug Trafficking and Illegal Immigration
Agreement between the Hellenic Republic and the Republic of Turkey on Economic Cooperation Istanbul Summit Declaration, Istanbul, 18 November 1999

Abstracts of articles in Issue 1.1

Slavery and Plantation Capitalism in Louisiana's Sugar Country by Richard Follett

Sugar planters in the antebellum South managed their estates progressively, efficiently, and with a political economy that reflected the emerging capitalist values of nineteenth-century America. By fusing economic progress and slave labor, sugar planters revolutionized the means of production and transformed the institution of slavery. Slaveholders and bondspeople redefined the parameters of paternalism and recast the master-slave relationship along a novel path. Louisiana slaves accommodated the machine, holding no torch for Luddism while concurrently shaping the agro-industrial revolution to achieve modest economic independence and relative autonomy within the plantation quarters.

Hinton Rowan Helper's Land of Gold and the Evolution of Race Relations in California by David Brown

The California Gold Rush of the mid-nineteenth century attracted a multitude of prospectors from around the world, bringing together a vibrant mix of ethnicities and cultures. Historians have argued that race emerged as the most important mark of identity in California as whites labeled and eventually excluded 'inferior' races. Hinton Rowan Helper's The Land of Gold documented his three-year trip to California in the early 1850s, recording his reactions to 'others' in detail. Helper has been portrayed as the archetypal white racist on the California frontier. This essay challenges that view, contending that he was more preoccupied with culture and behavior than race. It evaluates Helper's comments on, first, Native Americans, second, the Chinese, and finally, his wider reactions to California and the construction of whiteness.

The Non-Identical Chinese Twins: Traditional China and Chinese Yankees at the Centennial Exposition of 1876 by John Haddad

Six years before the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, Americans gazed at China through an elaborate exhibit brought to the Centennial Exposition. 'Orientalists' praised the exotic beauty of the objects and the sophistication of the Chinese attendants, but they were enamored only with Chinese high culture. In contrast, 'Progressives' saw the exhibit as proof of China's stubborn refusal to enter the modern world. When 113 Chinese boys studying in New England schools toured the exposition, Orientalist and Progressive opinions converged. Both groups agreed that these boys demonstrated the requisite intellectual ability and cultural refinement to undergo the Americanization process successfully. By revealing this critical link between citizenship and class (comprising education, status, and professional achievement), reactions to the Chinese presence at the exposition shed light on the widespread movement to curtail Chinese immigration.

'One Man, One Vote; One Woman, One Throat': Women in New York City Politics, 1890-1910 by Jo Freeman

This essay challenges the assumption that women went into politics after getting the right to vote. In New York City at least, it was the other way around. Motivated by the municipal reform movement of the 1890s which sought to defeat Democratic Tammany Hall, women steadily took on more responsibility for electing good men to office, through meetings, canvassing and the production of literature. They did so both through their own non-partisan reform organization and in highly partisan women's Republican Clubs. Proliferating in the 1890s, Republican women's clubs provided a steady stream of workers to elect Republican candidates, even when they opposed reformers. The Democratic Party was slow to organize women, not doing so seriously until after New York women got suffrage in 1917. However, some Democratic women organized their own clubs, which endorsed Tammany Hall candidates but did not work for them effectively.

Book Reviews